Truth should have a high place among the virtues17, for falsehood, as we were saying, is useless to the gods, and only useful to men as a medicine. But this employment of falsehood must remain a privilege of state; the common man must not in return tell a lie to the ruler; any more than the patient would tell a lie to his physician, or the sailor to his captain.
In the next place our youth must be temperate19, and temperance consists in self-control and obedience20 to authority. That is a lesson which Homer teaches in some places: ‘The Achaeans marched on breathing prowess, in silent awe21 of their leaders;’— but a very different one in other places: ‘O heavy with wine, who hast the eyes of a dog, but the heart of a stag.’ Language of the latter kind will not impress self-control on the minds of youth. The same may be said about his praises of eating and drinking and his dread22 of starvation; also about the verses in which he tells of the rapturous loves of Zeus and Here, or of how Hephaestus once detained Ares and Aphrodite in a net on a similar occasion. There is a nobler strain heard in the words:—‘Endure, my soul, thou hast endured worse.’ Nor must we allow our citizens to receive bribes23, or to say, ‘Gifts persuade the gods, gifts reverend kings;’ or to applaud the ignoble24 advice of Phoenix26 to Achilles that he should get money out of the Greeks before he assisted them; or the meanness of Achilles himself in taking gifts from Agamemnon; or his requiring a ransom27 for the body of Hector; or his cursing of Apollo; or his insolence28 to the river-god Scamander; or his dedication29 to the dead Patroclus of his own hair which had been already dedicated30 to the other river-god Spercheius; or his cruelty in dragging the body of Hector round the walls, and slaying31 the captives at the pyre: such a combination of meanness and cruelty in Cheiron’s pupil is inconceivable. The amatory exploits of Peirithous and Theseus are equally unworthy. Either these so-called sons of gods were not the sons of gods, or they were not such as the poets imagine them, any more than the gods themselves are the authors of evil. The youth who believes that such things are done by those who have the blood of heaven flowing in their veins32 will be too ready to imitate their example.
Enough of gods and heroes; — what shall we say about men? What the poets and story-tellers say — that the wicked prosper33 and the righteous are afflicted34, or that justice is another’s gain? Such misrepresentations cannot be allowed by us. But in this we are anticipating the definition of justice, and had therefore better defer35 the enquiry.
The subjects of poetry have been sufficiently36 treated; next follows style. Now all poetry is a narrative37 of events past, present, or to come; and narrative is of three kinds, the simple, the imitative, and a composition of the two. An instance will make my meaning clear. The first scene in Homer is of the last or mixed kind, being partly description and partly dialogue. But if you throw the dialogue into the ‘oratio obliqua,’ the passage will run thus: The priest came and prayed Apollo that the Achaeans might take Troy and have a safe return if Agamemnon would only give him back his daughter; and the other Greeks assented38, but Agamemnon was wroth, and so on — The whole then becomes descriptive, and the poet is the only speaker left; or, if you omit the narrative, the whole becomes dialogue. These are the three styles — which of them is to be admitted into our State? ‘Do you ask whether tragedy and comedy are to be admitted?’ Yes, but also something more — Is it not doubtful whether our guardians39 are to be imitators at all? Or rather, has not the question been already answered, for we have decided40 that one man cannot in his life play many parts, any more than he can act both tragedy and comedy, or be rhapsodist and actor at once? Human nature is coined into very small pieces, and as our guardians have their own business already, which is the care of freedom, they will have enough to do without imitating. If they imitate they should imitate, not any meanness or baseness, but the good only; for the mask which the actor wears is apt to become his face. We cannot allow men to play the parts of women, quarrelling, weeping, scolding, or boasting against the gods — least of all when making love or in labour. They must not represent slaves, or bullies41, or cowards, drunkards, or madmen, or blacksmiths, or neighing horses, or bellowing42 bulls, or sounding rivers, or a raging sea. A good or wise man will be willing to perform good and wise actions, but he will be ashamed to play an inferior part which he has never practised; and he will prefer to employ the descriptive style with as little imitation as possible. The man who has no self-respect, on the contrary, will imitate anybody and anything; sounds of nature and cries of animals alike; his whole performance will be imitation of gesture and voice. Now in the descriptive style there are few changes, but in the dramatic there are a great many. Poets and musicians use either, or a compound of both, and this compound is very attractive to youth and their teachers as well as to the vulgar. But our State in which one man plays one part only is not adapted for complexity43. And when one of these polyphonous pantomimic gentlemen offers to exhibit himself and his poetry we will show him every observance of respect, but at the same time tell him that there is no room for his kind in our State; we prefer the rough, honest poet, and will not depart from our original models (Laws).
Next as to the music. A song or ode has three parts — the subject, the harmony, and the rhythm; of which the two last are dependent upon the first. As we banished44 strains of lamentation10, so we may now banish the mixed Lydian harmonies, which are the harmonies of lamentation; and as our citizens are to be temperate, we may also banish convivial45 harmonies, such as the Ionian and pure Lydian. Two remain — the Dorian and Phrygian, the first for war, the second for peace; the one expressive46 of courage, the other of obedience or instruction or religious feeling. And as we reject varieties of harmony, we shall also reject the many-stringed, variously-shaped instruments which give utterance47 to them, and in particular the flute48, which is more complex than any of them. The lyre and the harp49 may be permitted in the town, and the Pan’s-pipe in the fields. Thus we have made a purgation of music, and will now make a purgation of metres. These should be like the harmonies, simple and suitable to the occasion. There are four notes of the tetrachord, and there are three ratios of metre, 3/2, 2/2, 2/1, which have all their characteristics, and the feet have different characteristics as well as the rhythms. But about this you and I must ask Damon, the great musician, who speaks, if I remember rightly, of a martial50 measure as well as of dactylic, trochaic, and iambic rhythms, which he arranges so as to equalize the syllables51 with one another, assigning to each the proper quantity. We only venture to affirm the general principle that the style is to conform to the subject and the metre to the style; and that the simplicity52 and harmony of the soul should be reflected in them all. This principle of simplicity has to be learnt by every one in the days of his youth, and may be gathered anywhere, from the creative and constructive53 arts, as well as from the forms of plants and animals.
Other artists as well as poets should be warned against meanness or unseemliness. Sculpture and painting equally with music must conform to the law of simplicity. He who violates it cannot be allowed to work in our city, and to corrupt54 the taste of our citizens. For our guardians must grow up, not amid images of deformity which will gradually poison and corrupt their souls, but in a land of health and beauty where they will drink in from every object sweet and harmonious55 influences. And of all these influences the greatest is the education given by music, which finds a way into the innermost soul and imparts to it the sense of beauty and of deformity. At first the effect is unconscious; but when reason arrives, then he who has been thus trained welcomes her as the friend whom he always knew. As in learning to read, first we acquire the elements or letters separately, and afterwards their combinations, and cannot recognize reflections of them until we know the letters themselves; — in like manner we must first attain56 the elements or essential forms of the virtues, and then trace their combinations in life and experience. There is a music of the soul which answers to the harmony of the world; and the fairest object of a musical soul is the fair mind in the fair body. Some defect in the latter may be excused, but not in the former. True love is the daughter of temperance, and temperance is utterly57 opposed to the madness of bodily pleasure. Enough has been said of music, which makes a fair ending with love.
Next we pass on to gymnastics; about which I would remark, that the soul is related to the body as a cause to an effect, and therefore if we educate the mind we may leave the education of the body in her charge, and need only give a general outline of the course to be pursued. In the first place the guardians must abstain58 from strong drink, for they should be the last persons to lose their wits. Whether the habits of the palaestra are suitable to them is more doubtful, for the ordinary gymnastic is a sleepy sort of thing, and if left off suddenly is apt to endanger health. But our warrior59 athletes must be wide-awake dogs, and must also be inured60 to all changes of food and climate. Hence they will require a simpler kind of gymnastic, akin16 to their simple music; and for their diet a rule may be found in Homer, who feeds his heroes on roast meat only, and gives them no fish although they are living at the sea-side, nor boiled meats which involve an apparatus61 of pots and pans; and, if I am not mistaken, he nowhere mentions sweet sauces. Sicilian cookery and Attic62 confections and Corinthian courtezans, which are to gymnastic what Lydian and Ionian melodies are to music, must be forbidden. Where gluttony and intemperance63 prevail the town quickly fills with doctors and pleaders; and law and medicine give themselves airs as soon as the freemen of a State take an interest in them. But what can show a more disgraceful state of education than to have to go abroad for justice because you have none of your own at home? And yet there IS a worse stage of the same disease — when men have learned to take a pleasure and pride in the twists and turns of the law; not considering how much better it would be for them so to order their lives as to have no need of a nodding justice. And there is a like disgrace in employing a physician, not for the cure of wounds or epidemic64 disorders65, but because a man has by laziness and luxury contracted diseases which were unknown in the days of Asclepius. How simple is the Homeric practice of medicine. Eurypylus after he has been wounded drinks a posset of Pramnian wine, which is of a heating nature; and yet the sons of Asclepius blame neither the damsel who gives him the drink, nor Patroclus who is attending on him. The truth is that this modern system of nursing diseases was introduced by Herodicus the trainer; who, being of a sickly constitution, by a compound of training and medicine tortured first himself and then a good many other people, and lived a great deal longer than he had any right. But Asclepius would not practise this art, because he knew that the citizens of a well-ordered State have no leisure to be ill, and therefore he adopted the ‘kill or cure’ method, which artisans and labourers employ. ‘They must be at their business,’ they say, ‘and have no time for coddling: if they recover, well; if they don’t, there is an end of them.’ Whereas the rich man is supposed to be a gentleman who can afford to be ill. Do you know a maxim66 of Phocylides — that ‘when a man begins to be rich’ (or, perhaps, a little sooner) ‘he should practise virtue18’? But how can excessive care of health be inconsistent with an ordinary occupation, and yet consistent with that practice of virtue which Phocylides inculcates? When a student imagines that philosophy gives him a headache, he never does anything; he is always unwell. This was the reason why Asclepius and his sons practised no such art. They were acting67 in the interest of the public, and did not wish to preserve useless lives, or raise up a puny68 offspring to wretched sires. Honest diseases they honestly cured; and if a man was wounded, they applied69 the proper remedies, and then let him eat and drink what he liked. But they declined to treat intemperate70 and worthless subjects, even though they might have made large fortunes out of them. As to the story of Pindar, that Asclepius was slain71 by a thunderbolt for restoring a rich man to life, that is a lie — following our old rule we must say either that he did not take bribes, or that he was not the son of a god.
Glaucon then asks Socrates whether the best physicians and the best judges will not be those who have had severally the greatest experience of diseases and of crimes. Socrates draws a distinction between the two professions. The physician should have had experience of disease in his own body, for he cures with his mind and not with his body. But the judge controls mind by mind; and therefore his mind should not be corrupted72 by crime. Where then is he to gain experience? How is he to be wise and also innocent? When young a good man is apt to be deceived by evil-doers, because he has no pattern of evil in himself; and therefore the judge should be of a certain age; his youth should have been innocent, and he should have acquired insight into evil not by the practice of it, but by the observation of it in others. This is the ideal of a judge; the criminal turned detective is wonderfully suspicious, but when in company with good men who have experience, he is at fault, for he foolishly imagines that every one is as bad as himself. Vice25 may be known of virtue, but cannot know virtue. This is the sort of medicine and this the sort of law which will prevail in our State; they will be healing arts to better natures; but the evil body will be left to die by the one, and the evil soul will be put to death by the other. And the need of either will be greatly diminished by good music which will give harmony to the soul, and good gymnastic which will give health to the body. Not that this division of music and gymnastic really corresponds to soul and body; for they are both equally concerned with the soul, which is tamed by the one and aroused and sustained by the other. The two together supply our guardians with their twofold nature. The passionate73 disposition74 when it has too much gymnastic is hardened and brutalized, the gentle or philosophic75 temper which has too much music becomes enervated76. While a man is allowing music to pour like water through the funnel77 of his ears, the edge of his soul gradually wears away, and the passionate or spirited element is melted out of him. Too little spirit is easily exhausted78; too much quickly passes into nervous irritability79. So, again, the athlete by feeding and training has his courage doubled, but he soon grows stupid; he is like a wild beast, ready to do everything by blows and nothing by counsel or policy. There are two principles in man, reason and passion, and to these, not to the soul and body, the two arts of music and gymnastic correspond. He who mingles81 them in harmonious concord82 is the true musician — he shall be the presiding genius of our State.
The next question is, Who are to be our rulers? First, the elder must rule the younger; and the best of the elders will be the best guardians. Now they will be the best who love their subjects most, and think that they have a common interest with them in the welfare of the state. These we must select; but they must be watched at every epoch83 of life to see whether they have retained the same opinions and held out against force and enchantment84. For time and persuasion86 and the love of pleasure may enchant85 a man into a change of purpose, and the force of grief and pain may compel him. And therefore our guardians must be men who have been tried by many tests, like gold in the refiner’s fire, and have been passed first through danger, then through pleasure, and at every age have come out of such trials victorious87 and without stain, in full command of themselves and their principles; having all their faculties88 in harmonious exercise for their country’s good. These shall receive the highest honours both in life and death. (It would perhaps be better to confine the term ‘guardians’ to this select class: the younger men may be called ‘auxiliaries89.’)
And now for one magnificent lie, in the belief of which, Oh that we could train our rulers! — at any rate let us make the attempt with the rest of the world. What I am going to tell is only another version of the legend of Cadmus; but our unbelieving generation will be slow to accept such a story. The tale must be imparted, first to the rulers, then to the soldiers, lastly to the people. We will inform them that their youth was a dream, and that during the time when they seemed to be undergoing their education they were really being fashioned in the earth, who sent them up when they were ready; and that they must protect and cherish her whose children they are, and regard each other as brothers and sisters. ‘I do not wonder at your being ashamed to propound90 such a fiction.’ There is more behind. These brothers and sisters have different natures, and some of them God framed to rule, whom he fashioned of gold; others he made of silver, to be auxiliaries; others again to be husbandmen and craftsmen91, and these were formed by him of brass92 and iron. But as they are all sprung from a common stock, a golden parent may have a silver son, or a silver parent a golden son, and then there must be a change of rank; the son of the rich must descend93, and the child of the artisan rise, in the social scale; for an oracle94 says ‘that the State will come to an end if governed by a man of brass or iron.’ Will our citizens ever believe all this? ‘Not in the present generation, but in the next, perhaps, Yes.’
Now let the earthborn men go forth95 under the command of their rulers, and look about and pitch their camp in a high place, which will be safe against enemies from without, and likewise against insurrections from within. There let them sacrifice and set up their tents; for soldiers they are to be and not shopkeepers, the watchdogs and guardians of the sheep; and luxury and avarice96 will turn them into wolves and tyrants97. Their habits and their dwellings98 should correspond to their education. They should have no property; their pay should only meet their expenses; and they should have common meals. Gold and silver we will tell them that they have from God, and this divine gift in their souls they must not alloy99 with that earthly dross100 which passes under the name of gold. They only of the citizens may not touch it, or be under the same roof with it, or drink from it; it is the accursed thing. Should they ever acquire houses or lands or money of their own, they will become householders and tradesmen instead of guardians, enemies and tyrants instead of helpers, and the hour of ruin, both to themselves and the rest of the State, will be at hand.
The religious and ethical101 aspect of Plato’s education will hereafter be considered under a separate head. Some lesser102 points may be more conveniently noticed in this place.
1. The constant appeal to the authority of Homer, whom, with grave irony103, Plato, after the manner of his age, summons as a witness about ethics104 and psychology105, as well as about diet and medicine; attempting to distinguish the better lesson from the worse, sometimes altering the text from design; more than once quoting or alluding106 to Homer inaccurately107, after the manner of the early logographers turning the Iliad into prose, and delighting to draw far-fetched inferences from his words, or to make ludicrous applications of them. He does not, like Heracleitus, get into a rage with Homer and Archilochus (Heracl.), but uses their words and expressions as vehicles of a higher truth; not on a system like Theagenes of Rhegium or Metrodorus, or in later times the Stoics108, but as fancy may dictate109. And the conclusions drawn110 from them are sound, although the premises111 are fictitious112. These fanciful appeals to Homer add a charm to Plato’s style, and at the same time they have the effect of a satire113 on the follies114 of Homeric interpretation115. To us (and probably to himself), although they take the form of arguments, they are really figures of speech. They may be compared with modern citations116 from Scripture117, which have often a great rhetorical power even when the original meaning of the words is entirely119 lost sight of. The real, like the Platonic120 Socrates, as we gather from the Memorabilia of Xenophon, was fond of making similar adaptations. Great in all ages and countries, in religion as well as in law and literature, has been the art of interpretation.
2. ‘The style is to conform to the subject and the metre to the style.’ Notwithstanding the fascination121 which the word ‘classical’ exercises over us, we can hardly maintain that this rule is observed in all the Greek poetry which has come down to us. We cannot deny that the thought often exceeds the power of lucid122 expression in Aeschylus and Pindar; or that rhetoric118 gets the better of the thought in the Sophist-poet Euripides. Only perhaps in Sophocles is there a perfect harmony of the two; in him alone do we find a grace of language like the beauty of a Greek statue, in which there is nothing to add or to take away; at least this is true of single plays or of large portions of them. The connection in the Tragic123 Choruses and in the Greek lyric124 poets is not unfrequently a tangled125 thread which in an age before logic126 the poet was unable to draw out. Many thoughts and feelings mingled127 in his mind, and he had no power of disengaging or arranging them. For there is a subtle influence of logic which requires to be transferred from prose to poetry, just as the music and perfection of language are infused by poetry into prose. In all ages the poet has been a bad judge of his own meaning (Apol.); for he does not see that the word which is full of associations to his own mind is difficult and unmeaning to that of another; or that the sequence which is clear to himself is puzzling to others. There are many passages in some of our greatest modern poets which are far too obscure; in which there is no proportion between style and subject, in which any half-expressed figure, any harsh construction, any distorted collocation of words, any remote sequence of ideas is admitted; and there is no voice ‘coming sweetly from nature,’ or music adding the expression of feeling to thought. As if there could be poetry without beauty, or beauty without ease and clearness. The obscurities of early Greek poets arose necessarily out of the state of language and logic which existed in their age. They are not examples to be followed by us; for the use of language ought in every generation to become clearer and clearer. Like Shakespere, they were great in spite, not in consequence, of their imperfections of expression. But there is no reason for returning to the necessary obscurity which prevailed in the infancy128 of literature. The English poets of the last century were certainly not obscure; and we have no excuse for losing what they had gained, or for going back to the earlier or transitional age which preceded them. The thought of our own times has not out-stripped language; a want of Plato’s ‘art of measuring’ is the rule cause of the disproportion between them.
3. In the third book of the Republic a nearer approach is made to a theory of art than anywhere else in Plato. His views may be summed up as follows:— True art is not fanciful and imitative, but simple and ideal — the expression of the highest moral energy, whether in action or repose129. To live among works of plastic art which are of this noble and simple character, or to listen to such strains, is the best of influences — the true Greek atmosphere, in which youth should be brought up. That is the way to create in them a natural good taste, which will have a feeling of truth and beauty in all things. For though the poets are to be expelled, still art is recognized as another aspect of reason — like love in the Symposium130, extending over the same sphere, but confined to the preliminary education, and acting through the power of habit; and this conception of art is not limited to strains of music or the forms of plastic art, but pervades131 all nature and has a wide kindred in the world. The Republic of Plato, like the Athens of Pericles, has an artistic132 as well as a political side.
There is hardly any mention in Plato of the creative arts; only in two or three passages does he even allude133 to them (Rep.; Soph.). He is not lost in rapture134 at the great works of Phidias, the Parthenon, the Propylea, the statues of Zeus or Athene. He would probably have regarded any abstract truth of number or figure as higher than the greatest of them. Yet it is hard to suppose that some influence, such as he hopes to inspire in youth, did not pass into his own mind from the works of art which he saw around him. We are living upon the fragments of them, and find in a few broken stones the standard of truth and beauty. But in Plato this feeling has no expression; he nowhere says that beauty is the object of art; he seems to deny that wisdom can take an external form (Phaedrus); he does not distinguish the fine from the mechanical arts. Whether or no, like some writers, he felt more than he expressed, it is at any rate remarkable135 that the greatest perfection of the fine arts should coincide with an almost entire silence about them. In one very striking passage he tells us that a work of art, like the State, is a whole; and this conception of a whole and the love of the newly-born mathematical sciences may be regarded, if not as the inspiring, at any rate as the regulating principles of Greek art (Xen. Mem.; and Sophist).
4. Plato makes the true and subtle remark that the physician had better not be in robust136 health; and should have known what illness is in his own person. But the judge ought to have had no similar experience of evil; he is to be a good man who, having passed his youth in innocence137, became acquainted late in life with the vices138 of others. And therefore, according to Plato, a judge should not be young, just as a young man according to Aristotle is not fit to be a hearer of moral philosophy. The bad, on the other hand, have a knowledge of vice, but no knowledge of virtue. It may be doubted, however, whether this train of reflection is well founded. In a remarkable passage of the Laws it is acknowledged that the evil may form a correct estimate of the good. The union of gentleness and courage in Book ii. at first seemed to be a paradox139, yet was afterwards ascertained140 to be a truth. And Plato might also have found that the intuition of evil may be consistent with the abhorrence141 of it. There is a directness of aim in virtue which gives an insight into vice. And the knowledge of character is in some degree a natural sense independent of any special experience of good or evil.
5. One of the most remarkable conceptions of Plato, because unGreek and also very different from anything which existed at all in his age of the world, is the transposition of ranks. In the Spartan142 state there had been enfranchisement143 of Helots and degradation144 of citizens under special circumstances. And in the ancient Greek aristocracies, merit was certainly recognized as one of the elements on which government was based. The founders145 of states were supposed to be their benefactors146, who were raised by their great actions above the ordinary level of humanity; at a later period, the services of warriors147 and legislators were held to entitle them and their descendants to the privileges of citizenship148 and to the first rank in the state. And although the existence of an ideal aristocracy is slenderly proven from the remains149 of early Greek history, and we have a difficulty in ascribing such a character, however the idea may be defined, to any actual Hellenic state — or indeed to any state which has ever existed in the world — still the rule of the best was certainly the aspiration150 of philosophers, who probably accommodated a good deal their views of primitive151 history to their own notions of good government. Plato further insists on applying to the guardians of his state a series of tests by which all those who fell short of a fixed152 standard were either removed from the governing body, or not admitted to it; and this ‘academic’ discipline did to a certain extent prevail in Greek states, especially in Sparta. He also indicates that the system of caste, which existed in a great part of the ancient, and is by no means extinct in the modern European world, should be set aside from time to time in favour of merit. He is aware how deeply the greater part of mankind resent any interference with the order of society, and therefore he proposes his novel idea in the form of what he himself calls a ‘monstrous fiction.’ (Compare the ceremony of preparation for the two ‘great waves’ in Book v.) Two principles are indicated by him: first, that there is a distinction of ranks dependent on circumstances prior to the individual: second, that this distinction is and ought to be broken through by personal qualities. He adapts mythology153 like the Homeric poems to the wants of the state, making ‘the Phoenician tale’ the vehicle of his ideas. Every Greek state had a myth respecting its own origin; the Platonic republic may also have a tale of earthborn men. The gravity and verisimilitude with which the tale is told, and the analogy of Greek tradition, are a sufficient verification of the ‘monstrous falsehood.’ Ancient poetry had spoken of a gold and silver and brass and iron age succeeding one another, but Plato supposes these differences in the natures of men to exist together in a single state. Mythology supplies a figure under which the lesson may be taught (as Protagoras says, ‘the myth is more interesting’), and also enables Plato to touch lightly on new principles without going into details. In this passage he shadows forth a general truth, but he does not tell us by what steps the transposition of ranks is to be effected. Indeed throughout the Republic he allows the lower ranks to fade into the distance. We do not know whether they are to carry arms, and whether in the fifth book they are or are not included in the communistic regulations respecting property and marriage. Nor is there any use in arguing strictly154 either from a few chance words, or from the silence of Plato, or in drawing inferences which were beyond his vision. Aristotle, in his criticism on the position of the lower classes, does not perceive that the poetical155 creation is ‘like the air, invulnerable,’ and cannot be penetrated156 by the shafts157 of his logic (Pol.).
6. Two paradoxes158 which strike the modern reader as in the highest degree fanciful and ideal, and which suggest to him many reflections, are to be found in the third book of the Republic: first, the great power of music, so much beyond any influence which is experienced by us in modern times, when the art or science has been far more developed, and has found the secret of harmony, as well as of melody; secondly159, the indefinite and almost absolute control which the soul is supposed to exercise over the body.
In the first we suspect some degree of exaggeration, such as we may also observe among certain masters of the art, not unknown to us, at the present day. With this natural enthusiasm, which is felt by a few only, there seems to mingle80 in Plato a sort of Pythagorean reverence160 for numbers and numerical proportion to which Aristotle is a stranger. Intervals161 of sound and number are to him sacred things which have a law of their own, not dependent on the variations of sense. They rise above sense, and become a connecting link with the world of ideas. But it is evident that Plato is describing what to him appears to be also a fact. The power of a simple and characteristic melody on the impressible mind of the Greek is more than we can easily appreciate. The effect of national airs may bear some comparison with it. And, besides all this, there is a confusion between the harmony of musical notes and the harmony of soul and body, which is so potently162 inspired by them.
The second paradox leads up to some curious and interesting questions — How far can the mind control the body? Is the relation between them one of mutual163 antagonism164 or of mutual harmony? Are they two or one, and is either of them the cause of the other? May we not at times drop the opposition165 between them, and the mode of describing them, which is so familiar to us, and yet hardly conveys any precise meaning, and try to view this composite creature, man, in a more simple manner? Must we not at any rate admit that there is in human nature a higher and a lower principle, divided by no distinct line, which at times break asunder166 and take up arms against one another? Or again, they are reconciled and move together, either unconsciously in the ordinary work of life, or consciously in the pursuit of some noble aim, to be attained167 not without an effort, and for which every thought and nerve are strained. And then the body becomes the good friend or ally, or servant or instrument of the mind. And the mind has often a wonderful and almost superhuman power of banishing168 disease and weakness and calling out a hidden strength. Reason and the desires, the intellect and the senses are brought into harmony and obedience so as to form a single human being. They are ever parting, ever meeting; and the identity or diversity of their tendencies or operations is for the most part unnoticed by us. When the mind touches the body through the appetites, we acknowledge the responsibility of the one to the other. There is a tendency in us which says ‘Drink.’ There is another which says, ‘Do not drink; it is not good for you.’ And we all of us know which is the rightful superior. We are also responsible for our health, although into this sphere there enter some elements of necessity which may be beyond our control. Still even in the management of health, care and thought, continued over many years, may make us almost free agents, if we do not exact too much of ourselves, and if we acknowledge that all human freedom is limited by the laws of nature and of mind.
We are disappointed to find that Plato, in the general condemnation169 which he passes on the practice of medicine prevailing170 in his own day, depreciates171 the effects of diet. He would like to have diseases of a definite character and capable of receiving a definite treatment. He is afraid of invalidism172 interfering173 with the business of life. He does not recognize that time is the great healer both of mental and bodily disorders; and that remedies which are gradual and proceed little by little are safer than those which produce a sudden catastrophe174. Neither does he see that there is no way in which the mind can more surely influence the body than by the control of eating and drinking; or any other action or occasion of human life on which the higher freedom of the will can be more simple or truly asserted.
7. Lesser matters of style may be remarked.
(1) The affected175 ignorance of music, which is Plato’s way of expressing that he is passing lightly over the subject.
(2) The tentative manner in which here, as in the second book, he proceeds with the construction of the State.
(3) The description of the State sometimes as a reality, and then again as a work of imagination only; these are the arts by which he sustains the reader’s interest.
(4) Connecting links, or the preparation for the entire expulsion of the poets in Book X.
(5) The companion pictures of the lover of litigation and the valetudinarian176, the satirical jest about the maxim of Phocylides, the manner in which the image of the gold and silver citizens is taken up into the subject, and the argument from the practice of Asclepius, should not escape notice.
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1
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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banish
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| vt.放逐，驱逐；消除，排除 | |
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3
courageous
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| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
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expunge
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| v.除去，删掉 | |
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obnoxious
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| adj.极恼人的，讨人厌的，可憎的 | |
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mansions
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| n.宅第，公馆，大厦( mansion的名词复数 ) | |
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distraction
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| n.精神涣散，精神不集中，消遣，娱乐 | |
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mire
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| n.泥沼，泥泞；v.使...陷于泥泞，使...陷入困境 | |
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prostrated
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| v.使俯伏，使拜倒( prostrate的过去式和过去分词 )；（指疾病、天气等）使某人无能为力 | |
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lamentation
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| n.悲叹，哀悼 | |
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travail
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| n.阵痛；努力 | |
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laments
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| n.悲恸，哀歌，挽歌( lament的名词复数 )v.（为…）哀悼，痛哭，悲伤( lament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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impending
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| a.imminent, about to come or happen | |
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14
doom
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| n.厄运，劫数；v.注定，命定 | |
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ridiculed
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| v.嘲笑，嘲弄，奚落( ridicule的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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akin
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| adj.同族的，类似的 | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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19
temperate
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| adj.温和的，温带的，自我克制的，不过分的 | |
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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23
bribes
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| n.贿赂( bribe的名词复数 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂v.贿赂( bribe的第三人称单数 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
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24
ignoble
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| adj.不光彩的，卑鄙的；可耻的 | |
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vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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26
phoenix
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| n.凤凰，长生(不死)鸟；引申为重生 | |
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ransom
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| n.赎金，赎身；v.赎回，解救 | |
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insolence
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| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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dedication
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| n.奉献，献身，致力，题献，献辞 | |
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dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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slaying
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| 杀戮。 | |
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veins
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| n.纹理；矿脉( vein的名词复数 )；静脉；叶脉；纹理 | |
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prosper
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| v.成功，兴隆，昌盛；使成功，使昌隆，繁荣 | |
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afflicted
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| 使受痛苦，折磨( afflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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defer
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| vt.推迟，拖延；vi.(to)遵从，听从，服从 | |
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sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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assented
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| 同意，赞成( assent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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guardians
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| 监护人( guardian的名词复数 )； 保护者，维护者 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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bullies
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| n.欺凌弱小者, 开球 vt.恐吓, 威胁, 欺负 | |
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42
bellowing
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| v.发出吼叫声，咆哮（尤指因痛苦）( bellow的现在分词 )；（愤怒地）说出（某事），大叫 | |
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43
complexity
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| n.复杂(性)，复杂的事物 | |
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44
banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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45
convivial
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| adj.狂欢的，欢乐的 | |
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46
expressive
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| adj.表现的，表达…的，富于表情的 | |
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utterance
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| n.用言语表达，话语，言语 | |
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48
flute
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| n.长笛；v.吹笛 | |
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49
harp
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| n.竖琴；天琴座 | |
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martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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51
syllables
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| n.音节( syllable的名词复数 ) | |
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52
simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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constructive
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| adj.建设的，建设性的 | |
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corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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harmonious
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| adj.和睦的，调和的，和谐的，协调的 | |
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attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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abstain
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| v.自制，戒绝，弃权，避免 | |
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warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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inured
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| adj.坚强的，习惯的 | |
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apparatus
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| n.装置，器械；器具，设备 | |
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attic
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| n.顶楼，屋顶室 | |
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intemperance
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| n.放纵 | |
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epidemic
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| n.流行病；盛行；adj.流行性的，流传极广的 | |
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disorders
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| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
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maxim
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| n.格言，箴言 | |
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acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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puny
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| adj.微不足道的，弱小的 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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intemperate
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| adj.无节制的，放纵的 | |
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slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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corrupted
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| （使）败坏( corrupt的过去式和过去分词 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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73
passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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philosophic
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| adj.哲学的，贤明的 | |
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enervated
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| adj.衰弱的，无力的v.使衰弱，使失去活力( enervate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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funnel
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| n.漏斗；烟囱；v.汇集 | |
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exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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irritability
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| n.易怒 | |
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80
mingle
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| vt.使混合，使相混；vi.混合起来；相交往 | |
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mingles
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| 混合，混入( mingle的第三人称单数 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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82
concord
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| n.和谐；协调 | |
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83
epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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84
enchantment
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| n.迷惑，妖术，魅力 | |
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85
enchant
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| vt.使陶醉，使入迷；使着魔，用妖术迷惑 | |
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86
persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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faculties
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| n.能力( faculty的名词复数 )；全体教职员；技巧；院 | |
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auxiliaries
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| n.助动词 ( auxiliary的名词复数 )；辅助工，辅助人员 | |
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propound
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| v.提出 | |
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craftsmen
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| n. 技工 | |
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brass
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| n.黄铜；黄铜器，铜管乐器 | |
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93
descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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oracle
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| n.神谕，神谕处，预言 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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tyrants
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| 专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 )； 暴君似的人； （古希腊的）僭主； 严酷的事物 | |
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dwellings
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| n.住处，处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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alloy
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| n.合金，(金属的)成色 | |
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dross
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| n.渣滓；无用之物 | |
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101
ethical
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| adj.伦理的，道德的，合乎道德的 | |
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102
lesser
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| adj.次要的，较小的；adv.较小地，较少地 | |
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103
irony
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| n.反语，冷嘲；具有讽刺意味的事，嘲弄 | |
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ethics
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| n.伦理学；伦理观，道德标准 | |
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psychology
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| n.心理，心理学，心理状态 | |
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alluding
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| 提及，暗指( allude的现在分词 ) | |
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inaccurately
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| 不精密地，不准确地 | |
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stoics
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| 禁欲主义者，恬淡寡欲的人，不以苦乐为意的人( stoic的名词复数 ) | |
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109
dictate
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| v.口授；(使)听写；指令，指示，命令 | |
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110
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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premises
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| n.建筑物，房屋 | |
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fictitious
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| adj.虚构的，假设的；空头的 | |
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113
satire
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| n.讽刺，讽刺文学，讽刺作品 | |
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114
follies
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| 罪恶，时事讽刺剧； 愚蠢，蠢笨，愚蠢的行为、思想或做法( folly的名词复数 ) | |
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115
interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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116
citations
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| n.引用( citation的名词复数 )；引证；引文；表扬 | |
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scripture
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| n.经文，圣书，手稿；Scripture:(常用复数)《圣经》，《圣经》中的一段 | |
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118
rhetoric
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| n.修辞学，浮夸之言语 | |
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119
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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120
platonic
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| adj.精神的；柏拉图（哲学）的 | |
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121
fascination
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| n.令人着迷的事物，魅力，迷恋 | |
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122
lucid
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| adj.明白易懂的，清晰的，头脑清楚的 | |
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123
tragic
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| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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124
lyric
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| n.抒情诗，歌词；adj.抒情的 | |
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125
tangled
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| adj. 纠缠的，紊乱的 动词tangle的过去式和过去分词 | |
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126
logic
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| n.逻辑(学)；逻辑性 | |
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127
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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128
infancy
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| n.婴儿期；幼年期；初期 | |
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129
repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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symposium
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| n.讨论会，专题报告会；专题论文集 | |
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pervades
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| v.遍及，弥漫( pervade的第三人称单数 ) | |
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artistic
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| adj.艺术(家)的，美术(家)的；善于艺术创作的 | |
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allude
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| v.提及，暗指 | |
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134
rapture
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| n.狂喜；全神贯注；着迷；v.使狂喜 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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robust
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| adj.强壮的，强健的，粗野的，需要体力的，浓的 | |
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innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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paradox
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| n.似乎矛盾却正确的说法；自相矛盾的人(物) | |
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140
ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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141
abhorrence
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| n.憎恶；可憎恶的事 | |
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spartan
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| adj.简朴的，刻苦的；n.斯巴达；斯巴达式的人 | |
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enfranchisement
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| 选举权 | |
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degradation
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| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
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founders
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| n.创始人( founder的名词复数 ) | |
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benefactors
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| n.捐助者，施主( benefactor的名词复数 )；恩人 | |
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warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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148
citizenship
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| n.市民权，公民权，国民的义务(身份) | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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aspiration
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| n.志向，志趣抱负；渴望；(语)送气音；吸出 | |
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primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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mythology
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| n.神话，神话学，神话集 | |
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strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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poetical
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| adj.似诗人的；诗一般的；韵文的；富有诗意的 | |
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penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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shafts
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| n.轴( shaft的名词复数 )；（箭、高尔夫球棒等的）杆；通风井；一阵（疼痛、害怕等） | |
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paradoxes
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| n.似非而是的隽语，看似矛盾而实际却可能正确的说法( paradox的名词复数 )；用于语言文学中的上述隽语；有矛盾特点的人[事物，情况] | |
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secondly
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| adv.第二，其次 | |
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reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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potently
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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antagonism
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| n.对抗，敌对，对立 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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asunder
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| adj.分离的，化为碎片 | |
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attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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banishing
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的现在分词 ) | |
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condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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depreciates
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| v.贬值，跌价，减价( depreciate的第三人称单数 )；贬低，蔑视，轻视 | |
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invalidism
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| 病弱，病身； 伤残 | |
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interfering
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| adj. 妨碍的 动词interfere的现在分词 | |
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174
catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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175
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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valetudinarian
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| n.病人；健康不佳者 | |
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