But there is no reason to believe that it was St. Patrick, or indeed any missionary5, who first introduced them. There probably were in Ireland many persons in the fourth century, or perhaps even earlier, who were acquainted with the art of[Pg 106] writing. Already, at the beginning of the third century at least, says Zimmer in his "Keltische Studien," British missionaries were at work in the south of Ireland. Bede, in his history, says distinctly that Palladius was sent from Rome in the year 431 to the Irish "who believed in Christ"—"ad Scottos in Christum credentes." Already, at the close of the third century, there was an organised British episcopate, and three British bishops8 attended the Council of Arles held in 314. It is quite impossible that the numerous Irish colonies settled in the south of England and in Wales could have failed to come into contact with this organised Church, and even to have been influenced by it. The account in the Acta Sanctorum, of Declan, Bishop7 of Waterford, said to have been born in 347, and of Ailbe, another southern bishop, who met St. Patrick, may be looked upon as perfectly9 true in so far as it relates to the actual existence of these pre-Patrician bishops. St. Chrysostom, writing in the year 387, mentions that already churches and altars had been erected10 in the British Isles11. Pelagius, the subtle and persuasive12 heresiarch who taught with such success at Rome about the year 400, and acquired great influence there, was of Irish descent—"habet progeniem Scottic? gentis de Brittanorum vicinia," said St. Jerome. As St. Augustine and Prosper13 of Aquitaine call him "Briton" and "British scribe," he probably belonged to one of the Irish colonies settled in Wales or the South-west of England. His success at Rome is a proof that some Irish families at least were within reach of literary education in the fourth century. His friend and teacher, Celestius, has also been claimed as an Irishman, but Dr. Healy has shown that this claim is perhaps founded upon a misconception.[2]
"The influence of the ancient Irish on the Continent," says Dr. Sigerson, "began in the works of Sedulius, whose 'Carmen Paschale,' published in the fifth century,[Pg 107] is the first great Christian epic14 worthy15 of the name." Sedulius, the Virgil of theological poetry, flourished in the first half of the fifth century, and seems to have studied in Gaul, passed into Italy, and finally resided in Achaia in Greece, which he seems to have made his home. There are at least eight Irish Siadals (in Latin Sedulius, in English Shiel) commemorated16 by Colgan. The strongest evidence of Sedulius's Irish nationality is that the Irish geographer17 Dicuil, in the eighth century, quoting some of his lines, calls him noster Sedulius. John of Tritenheim, towards the close of the fifteenth century, distinctly calls him an Irishman natione Scotus, but attributes to him the verses of a later Sedulius. Dr. Sigerson, by a clever analysis of his verse-peculiarities confirms this opinion.[3]
In the "Tripartite Life of St. Patrick" we read that the druids at the king's court, when St. Patrick arrived there, possessed18 books, and when, at a later date, St. Patrick determined19 upon revising the Brehon law code, the books in which it was written down were laid before him. That there has come down to our time no written record earlier than the seventh or eighth century[4] is chiefly due to the enormous destruction of books by the Danes and English. The same causes produced a like effect in Britain, for the oldest surviving British MSS. are not even as old as ours, although the art of writing must have been known and practised there since the Roman occupation.
The Irish had, however, another system of writing which[Pg 108] they themselves invented. This was the celebrated20 Ogam script, consisting of a number of short lines, straight or slanting,[5] and drawn21 either below, above, or through one long stem-line, which stem-line is generally the angle between two sides of a long upright rectangular stone. These lines represented letters; and over two hundred stones have been found inscribed22 with Ogam writing. It is a remarkable24 fact that rude as this device for writing is, it has been applied25 with considerable skill, and is framed with much ingenuity26. For in every case it is found that those letters which, like the vowels27, are most easily pronounced, are also in Ogam the easiest to inscribe23, and the simpler sounds are represented by simpler characters than those that are more complex. To account for the philosophical28 character of this alphabet[6] "than which no[Pg 109] simpler method of writing is imaginable," a German, Dr. Rethwisch, who examined it from this side, concluded that "the natural gifts of the Celts and their practical genius for simplicity29 and observation ripened30 up to a certain stage far earlier than those of their Indo-European relations." This statement, however, rests upon the as yet unproved assumption that Ogam writing is pre-Christian and pagan. What is of more interest is that the author of it supposed that with one or two changes it would make the simplest conceivable universal-alphabet or international code of writing. It is very strange that nearly all the Irish Ogam stones are found in the south-west, chiefly in the counties of Cork31 and Kerry, with a few scattered32 over the rest of the country—but one in West Connacht, and but one or two at the most in Ulster. Between twenty and thirty more have been found in Wales and Devonshire, and one or two even farther east, thus bearing witness to the colonies planted by the Irish marauders in early Britain, for Ogam writing is peculiar1 to the Irish Gael and only found where he had settled. Ten stones more have been found in Scotland, probably the latest in date of any, for some of these, unlike the Irish stones, bear Christian symbols. Many Ogams have been easily read, thanks to the key contained in the Book of Ballymote; thanks also to the fact that one or two Ogams have been found with duplicates inscribed in Latin letters. But many still defy all attempts at deciphering them, though numerous efforts have been made, treating them as though they were cryptic33 ciphers34, which they were long believed to be. That Ogam was, as some assert, an early cryptic alphabet, and one intended to be read only by the initiated35, is both in face of the numbers of such inscriptions36 already deciphered and in the face of the many instances recorded in our oldest sagas39 of its employment, an absurd hypothesis. It is nearly always treated in them as an ordinary script which any one could read. It may, however, have been occasionally used in later times in a cryptic sense, names being[Pg 110] written backwards40 or syllables41 transposed, but this was certainly not the original invention. Some of the latest Ogam pillars are gravestones of people who died so late as the year 600, but what proportion of them, if any, date from before the Christian era it is as yet impossible to tell. Certain it is that the grammatical forms of the language inscribed upon most of them are vastly older than those of the very oldest manuscripts,[7] and agree with those of the old Gaulish linguistic42 monuments.
Cormac's Glossary—a work of the ninth or tenth century—the ancient sagas, and many allusions44 in the older literature, would seem to show that Ogam writing was used by the pagan Irish. Cormac, explaining the word fé says that "it was a wooden rod used by the Gael for measuring corpses45 and graves, and that this rod used always to be kept in the burial-places of the heathen, and it was a horror to every one even to take it in his hand, and whatever was abominable46 to them they (the pagans) used to inscribe on it in Ogam."[8] The sagas also are full of allusions to Ogam writing. In the "Táin Bo Chuailgne," which probably assumed substantially its present shape in the seventh century, we are told how when Cuchulain, after assuming arms, drove into Leinster with[Pg 111] his charioteer and came to the dún or fort of the three sons of Nechtan, he found on the lawn before the court a stone pillar, around which was written in Ogam that every hero who passed thereby47 was bound to issue a challenge. This was clearly no cryptic writing but the ordinary script, meant to be read by every one who passed.[9] Cuchulain in the same saga38 frequently cuts Ogam on wands, which he leaves in the way of Mève's army. These are always brought to his friend Fergus to read. Perhaps the next oldest allusion43 to Ogam writing is in the thoroughly48 pagan "Voyage of Bran," which both Zimmer and Kuno Meyer consider to have been committed to writing in the seventh century. We are there told that Bran wrote the fifty or sixty quatrains of the poem in Ogam. Again, in Cormac's Glossary[10] we find a story of how Lomna Finn mac Cool's fool (drúth) made an Ogam and put it in Finn's way to tell him how his wife had been unfaithful to him. A more curious case is the story in the Book of Leinster of Corc's flying to the Court of King Feradach in Scotland. Not knowing how he might be received he hid in a wood near by. The King's poet, however, meets him and recognises him, having seen him before that in Ireland. The poet notices an Ogam on the prince's shield, and asks him, "Who was it that befriended you with that Ogam, for it was not good luck which he designed for you?" "Why," asked the prince, "what does it contain?" "What it contains," said the poet, "is this—that if by day you arrive at the Court of Feradach the king, your head shall be struck off before night; if it be at night you arrive your head shall be struck off before morning."[11] This Ogam was[Pg 112] apparently49 readable only by the initiated, for the prince did not himself know what he was bearing on his shield.
All ancient Irish literature, then, is unanimous in attributing a knowledge of Ogam to the pre-Christian Irish. M. d'Arbois de Jubainville seems also to believe in its pagan antiquity50, for when discussing the story of St. Patrick's setting a Latin alphabet before Fiach, and of the youth's learning to read the Psalms51 within the following four-and-twenty hours, he remarks that the story is just possible since Fiach should have known the Ogam alphabet, and except for the form of the letters it and the Latin alphabet were the same.[12]
St. Patrick, too, tells us in his "Confession52" how after his flight from Ireland he saw a man coming as it were from that country with innumerable letters, a dream that would scarcely have visited him had he known that there was no one in Ireland who could write letters.[13]
The Ogam alphabet, however, is based upon the Roman. Of this there can be no doubt, for it contains letters which,[Pg 113] according to the key, represents Q (made by five upright strokes above the stem line), Z, and Y, none of which letters are used in even the oldest MSS., and two of which at least must have been borrowed from the Romans. The most, then, that can at present be said with absolute certainty is, as Dr. Whitley Stokes cautiously puts it, that these Ogam inscriptions and the language in which they are couched are "enough to show that some of the Celts of these islands wrote their language before the fifth century, the time at which Christianity is supposed to have been introduced into Ireland."[14] The presence of these Roman letters never used by the Irish on vellum, and the absence of any aspirated letters (which abound53 even in the oldest vellum MSS.) are additional proofs of the antiquity of the Ogam alphabet.
The Irish themselves ascribed the invention of Ogam to [the god] Ogma, one of the leading Tuatha De Danann,[15] and although it may be, as Rhys points out, philologically54 unsound to derive56 Ogam from Ogma, yet there appears to be an intimate connection between the two words, and Ogma may well be derived57 from Ogam, which in its early stage may have meant fluency58 or learning rather than letters. Certainly there cannot be any doubt that Ogma, the Tuatha De Danann, was the same as the Gaulish god Ogmios of whom Lucian, that pleasantest of Hellenes, gives us an account so delightfully60 graphic61 that it is worth repeating in its entirety as another proof of what I shall have more to speak about later on, the solidarity—to use a useful Gallicism—of the Irish and the Continental63 Gauls.
[Pg 114]
"The Celts,"[16] says Lucian, "call Heracles in the language of their country Ogmios, and they make very strange representations of the god. With them he is an extremely old man with a bald forehead and his few remaining hairs quite grey; his skin is wrinkled and embrowned by the sun to that degree of swarthiness which is characteristic of men who have grown old in a seafaring life; in fact, you would fancy him rather to be a Charon or Japetus, one of the dwellers64 in Tartarus, or anybody rather than Heracles. But although he is of this description he is nevertheless attired65 like Heracles, for he has on him the lion's skin, and he has a club in the right hand; he is duly equipped with a quiver, and his left hand displays a bow stretched out, in these respects he is quite Heracles.[17] It struck me then that the Celts took such liberties with the appearance of Heracles in order to insult the gods of the Greeks and avenge66 themselves on him in their painting, because he once made a raid on their territory, when in search of the herds67 of Geryon he harassed68 most of the Western peoples. I have not yet, however, mentioned the most whimsical part of the picture, for this old man Heracles draws after him a great number of men bound by their ears, and the bonds are slender cords wrought69 of gold and amber70, like necklaces of the most beautiful make; and although they are dragged on by such weak ties they never try to run away, though they could easily do it, nor do they at all resist or struggle against them, planting their feet in the ground and throwing their weight back in the direction contrary to that in which they are being led. Quite the reverse, they follow with joyful71 countenance72 in a merry mood, and praising him who leads them, pressing on, one and all, and slackening their chains in their eagerness to proceed; in fact, they look like men who would be grieved should they be set free. But that which seemed to me the most absurd thing of all I will not hesitate also to tell you: the painter, you see, had nowhere to fix the ends of the cords since the right hand of the god held the club and his left the[Pg 115] bow; so he pierced the tip of his tongue and represented the people as drawn on from it, and the god turns a smiling countenance towards those whom he is leading. Now I stood a long time looking at these things and wondered, perplexed73 and indignant. But a certain Celt standing74 by, who knew something about our ways, as he showed by speaking good Greek—a man who was quite a philosopher I take it in local matters—said to me: 'Stranger, I will tell you the secret of the painting, for you seem very much troubled about it. We Celts do not consider the power of speech to be Hermes as you Greeks do, but we represent it by means of Heracles, because he is much stronger than Hermes. Nor should you wonder at his being represented as an old man, for the power of words is wont75 to show its perfection in the aged76; for your poets are, no doubt, right when they say that the thoughts of young men turn with every wind, and that age has something wiser to tell us than youth. And so it is that honey pours from the tongue of that Nestor of yours, and the Trojan orators77 speak with a voice of the delicacy78 of the lily, a voice well covered, so to say, with bloom, for the bloom of flowers, if my memory does not fail me, has the term lilies applied to it. So if this old man Heracles (the power of speech) draws men after him, tied to his tongue by their ears, you have no reason to wonder; as you must be aware of the close connection between the ears and the tongue. Nor is there any injury done him by the latter being pierced; for I remember, said he, learning, while among you, some comic iambics to the effect that all chattering79 fellows have the tongue bored at the tip. In a word, we Celts are of opinion that Heracles himself performed everything by the power of words, as he was a wise fellow, and that most of his compulsion was effected by persuasion80. His weapons, I take it, were his utterances81, which are sharp and well-aimed, swift to pierce the mind, and you too say that words have wings.' Thus far the Celt."
We see, then, that the Irish legend that it was Ogma (who is also said to have been skilled in dialects and poetry) who invented the Ogam alphabet, so useful as a medium through which to convey language, is quite borne out by the account given to Lucian of the Gaulish god Ogmios, the eloquent82 old man whose language was endowed with so great a charm that he took his hearers captive. He turns, says Lucian, towards his willing captives with a smiling face, and the Irish Ogma,[Pg 116] too, is called Ogma "of the shining countenance."[18] Nor does the Gaul in dressing83 Ogma as a Hercules appear to have acted altogether whimsically, because not only is Ogma skilled in poetry and dialects and the inventor of Ogam, but he is also all through the battle of Moytura actually depicted84 as the strong man of the De Danann, strong enough to push a stone which eighty pair of oxen could not have moved.
The modern Irish names for books, reading, writing, letters, pens, and vellum, are all derived from the Latin.[19] But there seem to have been other names in use to designate the early writing materials of the Irish. These were the Taibhli Fileadh, "poets' tablets," and Tamhlorg Fileadh, which is translated by O'Curry as poets' "headless staves." This latter word, whatever may be the exact meaning of it, is at least pure Gaelic. We read in the "Colloquy85 of the Ancients" that St. Patrick began to feel a little uneasy at the delight with which he listened to the stories of the ancient Fenians, and in his over-scrupulous sanctity he feared it might be wrong to extract such pleasure from merely mundane87 narrations88. Accordingly he consulted his two guardian89 angels on the matter, but received an emphatic90 response from both of them, not only to the effect that there was no harm in listening to the stories themselves, but actually desiring him to get them written down "in poets' támhlorgs and in the words of ollavs, for it will be a rejoicing to numbers and to the good people to the end of time, to listen to those stories."[20] An[Pg 117] ancient passage from the Brehon Laws prescribes that a poet may carry a tábhall-lorg or tablet-staff, and O'Curry acutely suggests that these so-called tablet-staves were of the nature of a fan which could be closed up in the shape of a square stick, upon the lines and angles of which the poet wrote in Ogam. We can well imagine the almost superstitious91 reverence92 which in rude times must have attached itself, and which as we know did attach itself, to the man who could carry about in his hand the whole history and genealogy93 of his race, and probably the catchwords of innumerable poems and the skeletons of highly-prized narratives94. It was probably through these means that the genealogies95 of which I have spoken were so accurately96 transmitted and kept from the third or fourth century, and possibly from a still earlier period.
Amongst many other accounts of pre-Christian writing there is one so curious that it is worth giving here in extenso.[21]
THE STORY OF BAILE MAC BUAIN, THE SWEET-SPOKEN.
"Buain's only son was Baile. He was specially97 beloved by Aillinn,[22] the daughter of Lewy,[23] son of Fergus Fairgé—but some say she was the daughter of Owen, son of Dathi—and he was specially beloved not of her only, but of every one who ever heard or saw him, on account of his delightful59 stories.
"Now Baile and Aillinn made an appointment to meet at Rosnaree, on the banks of the Boyne in Bregia. And he came from Emania in the north to meet her, passing over Slieve Fuad and Muirthuimhne to Tráigh mBaile (Dundalk), and here he and his troops unyoked their chariots, sent their horses out to pasture, and gave themselves up to pleasure and happiness.
"And while they were there they saw a horrible spectral98 personage coming towards them from the South. Vehement99 were his steps and his rapid progress. The way he sped over the earth might be compared[Pg 118] to the darting100 of a hawk101 down a cliff or to wind from off the green sea, and his left was towards the land [i.e., he came from the south along the shore].
"'Go meet him,' said Baile, 'and ask him where he goes, or whence he comes, or what is the cause of his haste.'
"'From Mount Leinster I come, and I go back now to the North, to the mouth of the river Bann; and I have no news but of the daughter of Lewy, son of Fergus, who had fallen in love with Baile mac Buain, and was coming to meet him. But the youths of Leinster overtook her, and she died from being forcibly detained, as Druids and fair prophets had prophesied102, for they foretold103 that they would never meet in life, but that they would meet after death, and not part for ever. There is my news,' and he darted104 away from them like a blast of wind over the green sea, and they were not able to detain him.
"When Baile heard this he fell dead without life, and his tomb and his rath were raised, and his stone set up, and his funeral games were performed by the Ultonians.
"And a yew105 grew up through his grave, and the form and shape of Baile's head was visible on the top of it—whence the place is called Baile's Strand106 [now Dundalk].
"Afterwards the same man went to the South to where the maiden107 Aillinn was, and went into her grianan or sunny chamber108.
"'Whence comes the man whom we do not know?' said the maiden.
"'From the northern half of Erin, from the mouth of the Bann I come, and I go past this to Mount Leinster.'
"'You have news?' said the maiden.
"'I have no news worth mentioning now, only I saw the Ultonians performing the funeral games and digging the rath, and setting up the stone, and writing the name of Baile mac Buain, the royal heir of Ulster, by the side of the strand of Baile, who died while on his way to meet a sweetheart and a beloved woman to whom he had given affection, for it was not fated for them to meet, in life, or for one of them to see the other living,' and he darted out after telling the evil news.
"And Aillinn fell dead without life, and her tomb was raised, etc. And an apple tree grew through her grave and became a great tree at the end of seven years, and the shape of Aillinn's head was upon its top.
"Now at the end of seven years poets and prophets and visioners cut down the yew which was over the grave of Baile, and they made a poet's tablet of it, and they wrote the visions and the espousals and[Pg 119] the loves and the courtships of Ulster in it. [The apple tree which grew over the grave of Aillinn was also cut down] and in like manner the courtships of Leinster were written in it.
"There came a November eve long afterwards, and a festival was made to celebrate it by Art, the son of Conn [of the Hundred Battles, High-king of Ireland], and the professors of every science came to that feast as was their custom, and they brought their tablets with them. And these tablets also came there, and Art saw them, and when he saw them he asked for them; and the two tablets were brought and he held them in his hands face to face. Suddenly the one tablet of them sprang upon the other, and they became united the same as a woodbine round a twig109, and it was not possible to separate them. And they were preserved like every other jewel in the treasury110 at Tara until it was burned by Dúnlang, son of Enna, at the time he burnt the Princesses at Tara, as has been said
"'The apple tree of noble Aillinn,
The yew of Baile—small inheritance—
Though they are introduced into poems
Unlearned people do not understand them.'
"and Ailbhé, daughter of Cormac, grandson of Conn [of the Hundred Battles] said too
"'What I liken Lumluine to
Is to the Yew of Baile's rath,
What I liken the other to
Is to the Apple Tree of Aillinn.'"
So far this strange tale. But poetic111 as it is, it yields—unlike most—its chief value when rationalised, for as O'Curry remarks, it was apparently invented to account for some inscribed tablets in the reign112 of King Art in the second century, which had—as we ourselves have seen in the case of so many leaves of very old manuscripts at this day—become fastened to each other, so that they clung inextricably together and could not be separated.
Now the massacre113 of the Princesses at Tara happened, according to the "Four Masters," in the year 241, when the tablets were burnt. Hence one of two things must be the case; the story must either have originated before that date to account for the sticking together of the tablets, or else some[Pg 120] one must have invented it long afterwards, that is, must, without any apparent cause, have invented a story out of his own head, as to how there were once on a time two tablets made of trees which once grew on two tombs which were once fastened together before Art, son of Conn, and which were soon afterwards unfortunately burnt. A supposition which, considering there were then, ex hypothesi, no adhering tablets to prompt the invention, appears at first sight improbable.
Brash, who made personal examination of almost every Ogam known to exist, and whose standard work on the subject reproduces most of the inscriptions discovered up to the date of writing, was of opinion that no Ogam monument had anything Christian about it, and that if any Christian symbol were discovered on an Ogam stone, it must be of later date than the Ogam writing. Dr. Graves, however, has since shown that Ogam was in some few cases at least used over the graves of Christians114; and he believes that all Ogam writing is really post-Christian, despite the absence of Christian emblems115 on the stones, and that it belongs to a comparatively modern period—"in fact, for the most part, to a time between the fifth and seventh century."[24] Brash's great work was supplemented by Sir Samuel Ferguson's, and since that time Professor Rhys[25] and Dr. Whitley Stokes have thrown upon the inscriptions themselves all the light that the highest critical acumen116 equipped with the completest philological55 training could do, and have, to quote Mr. Macalister, "between them reduced to order the confusion which almost seemed to warrant the cryptical theories, and have thereby raised Ogam inscriptions from the position of being mere86 learned playthings to a place of the highest philological importance, not only in Celtic but in Indo-European epigraphy."[Pg 121] He himself—the latest to deal with the subject—waves for the present as "difficult—perhaps in some measure insoluble"—all "questions of the time, place, and manner of the development of the Ogham script."[26] Rhys has traced in certain of the inscriptions the influence exercised on the spoken language of the Celtic people by an agglutinating pre-Celtic tongue.[27] This gives us a glimpse at the pre-Aryan languages of the British Isles, which is in the highest degree interesting.
To me it seems probable that the Irish discovered the use of letters either through trade with the Continent or through the Romanised Britons, at any time from the first or second century onward117. But how or why they invented the Ogam alphabet, instead of using Roman letters, or else Greek ones like the Gauls, is a profound mystery. One thing is certain, namely, that the Ogam alphabet—at whatever time invented—is a possession peculiar to the Irish Gael, and only to be found where he made his settlements.
********
[1] Dr. Jones, the Bishop of St. Davids, in his interesting book, "Vestiges118 of the Gael in Gwynedd" (North Wales) has come to the conclusion that the Irish occupied the whole of Anglesey, Carnarvon, Merioneth, and Cardiganshire, with at least portions of Denbighshire, Montgomery, and Radnor. Their occupation of part of the south and south-west of England is attested119 by the area of Ogam finds.
[2] "Ireland's Ancient Schools and Scholars," p. 39. I find Migne, in his note on Pelagius, apparently confounding Scotia with Great Britain.
[3] See for Dr. Sigerson's ingenious argument "Bards120 of the Gael and Gaul," Introduction, p. 30.
[4] Except perhaps on stone. There is an inscription37 on a stone in Galway, "Lie Luguaedon Macc Lmenueh," for a facsimile of which see O'Donovan's grammar, p. 411. O'Donovan says it was set up over a nephew of St. Patrick's. Mr. Macalister reads it no doubt correctly, "Lie Luguaedon macci Menueh." This is probably the oldest extant inscription in Roman letters, and it shows that the old Ogam form maqui had already changed into mac[c]i. The "c" in place of "q" is only found on the later Ogam stones, and only one stone is found to read "maic."
[5] Thus four cuts to the right of or below the long line stand for S, above it they mean C, passing through the long line half on one side and half on the other they mean E. These straight lines, being easily cut on stone with a chisel121, continued long in use. The long line, with reference to which all the letters are drawn, is usually the right angle or corner of the upright stone between the two sides. The inscription usually begins at the left-hand corner of the stone facing the reader and is read upwards122, and is sometimes continued down on the right-hand angular line as well. The vowels are very small cuts on the angle of the stone, but much larger than points. There is no existing book written in Ogam, but various alphabets of it have been preserved in the Book of Ballymote, and some small metal articles have been found inscribed with it, showing that its use was not peculiar to pillar stones.
[6] See a curious monograph123 by Dr. Ernst Rethwisch entitled, "Die Inschrift von Killeen Cormac und der úrsprung der Sprache," 1886. "Einfachere Schriftzeichen als das keltische Alphabet sind nicht denkbar ... die Vocale haben die einfachsten Symbole und unter den6 Vocalen haben wieder die am bequemsten auszusprechenden bequemer zu machende Zeichen wie die Andern. Unter den Consonanten, hat die Klasse die am schwierigsten gelingt ... die am wenigsten leicht einzuritzenden Zeichen: die Gaumenlaute." He is greatly struck by "der so verst?ndig und sachgem?ss erscheinende Trieb dem einfachsten Laut das einfachste Symbol zu widmen." "Eine Erkl?rung [of the rational simplicity of the Ogam script] ist nur m?glich wenn man annimmt dass die natürliche Begabung der Kelten, der praktische auf Einfachheit und Beobachtungsgabe beruhende Sinn viel früher z? einer gewissen Reife gediehen sind, als bei den Indogermanischen Verwandten" (p. 29).
[7] As Curci and maqi for the genitives of Corc and mac. In later times the genitive ending i, became incorporated in the body of the word, making Cuirc and maic in the MSS., which latter subsequently became attenuated124 still further into the modern mic. Another very common and important form is avi, which has been explained as from a nominative *avios [for (*p)avios], Old Irish aue, modern ua or o. Another extraordinary feature is the suffix125 *gnos = cnos, the regular patronymic formative of the Gaulish inscriptions. Another important word is muco, genitive mucoi, meaning "descendant," but in some cases apparently "chief." The word anm or even ancm, which often precedes the genitive of the proper noun, as anm meddugini, has not yet been explained or accounted for. All these examples help to show the great age of the linguistic monuments preserved in Ogam.
[8] "Ocus no bid in flesc sin dogres irelcib nangente ocus bafuath la each a gabail inalaim ocus cach ni ba hadetchi leo dobertis [lege nobentis] tria Ogam innti, i.e. Agus do bhíodh an fleasg sin do ghnáth i reiligibh na ngente, agus budh fuath, le each a gabháil ann a láimh, agus gach nidh budh ghránna leó do bhainidis [ghearradaois] tre Ogham innti."
[9] See Zimmer's "Summary of the Táin Bo Chuailgne," Zeit. f. vgl., Sprachforschung, 1887, p. 448.
[10] Under the word orc tréith.
[11] The classical reader need hardly be reminded of the striking resemblance between this and the σ?ματα λυγρ? which, according to Homer, Pr?tus gave the unsuspecting Bellerophon to bring to the King of Lycia, γρ?ψα? ?ν π?νακι πτυκτ? θυμοφθ?ρα πολλ?.
[12] The "alphabet" laid before Fiacc, however, was not a list of letters, but a kind of brief catechism, in Latin "Elementa." St. Patrick is said to have written a number of these "alphabets" with his own hand.
[13] The "Confession" and Epistles attributed to St. Patrick are, by Whitley Stokes, Todd, Ussher, and almost all other authorities, considered genuine. Recently J.V. Pflugk-Harttung, in an article in the "Neuer Heidelberger Jahrbuch," Jahrgang iii., Heft. 1., 1893, has tried to show by internal evidence that the "Confession" and Epistle, especially the former, are a little later than St. Patrick's time, and he relies strongly on this passage, saying that it is difficult to imagine how St. Patrick came by the idea that a man could bring him "innumerable letters from the heathen Ireland of that time, where, except for Ogams and inscribed stones (ausser Oghams und Skulpturzeichen), the art of writing was as yet unknown." But seeing that Christian missionaries were almost certainly at work in Munster as early as the third century this contention126 is ridiculous. It is noteworthy, however, that even this critic seems to believe in the antiquity of the Ogam characters. As to his main contention that the "Confession" is not the work of Patrick, Jubainville writes, "Il ne m'a pas convaincu" (Revue Celtique, vol. xiv. p. 215), and M. L. Duchesne, commenting on Zimmer's view of St. Patrick's nebulousness, writes, "Contestir l'authenticité de la Confession et de la lettre à Coroticus me semble très aventuré" (Ibid., vol. xv. p. 188), and Thurneysen also entirely127 refuses his credence128.
[14] Preface to "Three Old Irish Glossaries," p. lv. Zeuss had already commented on the Ogams found in the St. Gall62 codex of Priscian, and written thus of them, "Figur? ergo vel potius lini? ogamic? non divers129? ab his qu? notantur a grammaticis hibernicis, in usu jam in hoc vetusto codice, quidni etiam inde a longinquis temporibus?" There are eight Ogam sentences in a St. Gall MS. of the ninth century which have been published by Nigra in his "Manoscritto irlandese di S. Gallo."
[15] See above, ch. V, note 13. See O'Donovan's Grammar, p. xxviii, for the original of the passage from the Book of Ballymote.
[16] Translated by Rhys in his "Hibbert Lectures," from Bekker's edition, No. 7, and Dindorf's, No. 55.
[17] The Gauls assimilated their pantheon to those of the Greeks and Romans in so far as they could, and as the Greek gods are by no means always the equivalents of the Roman gods with whom popular opinion equated130 them, still less were of course the Gaulish; and this is a good case in point, for Ogmios has evidently nothing of a Hercules about him, though the Gauls tried to make him the equivalent of Hercules by giving him the classical club and lion's skin, yet his attributes are perfectly different.
[18] Grian-aineach, or "of the sunny countenance." See O'Curry MS. Mat., p. 249. Ogma was, according to some accounts, brother of Breas, who held the regency amongst the Tuatha De Danann for seven years, while Nuada was getting his silver hand.
[19] Leabhra, léigheadh, sgríobhadh, litreacha, pinn, meamram.
[20] "A anam a naem-chleirigh ni mó iná trian a scél innisit na senlaeich út, or dáig dermait ocus dichhuimne. Ocus sgribthar let-sa i támlorgaibh filed ocus i mbriathraib ollamhan, or bud gairdiugad do dronguibh ocus do degdáinib deirid aimsire eisdecht fris na scelaib sin" ("Agallamh," p. 101. "Silva Gadelica," vol. ii.) O'Grady has here translated it by "tabular staffs." Táibhli is evidently a Latin loan word, tabella. The thing to be remembered is that Ogam writing on staves appears to be alluded131 to.
[21] O'Curry found this piece in the MS. marked H. 3. 18 in Trinity College, Dublin, and has printed it at page 472 of his MS. Materials. Kuno Meyer has also edited it from a MS. in the British Museum, full of curious word-equivalents or Kennings. (See "Revue Celtique," vol. xiii. p. 221. See also a fragment of the same story in Kuno Meyer's "Hibernica Minora," p. 84.)
[22] Pronounced "Bal-a," and "Al-yinn."
[23] In Irish, Lughaidh.
[24] "Proceedings132 of the Royal Irish Academy," May, 1894.
[25] See "Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland," vol. xxvi. p. 263.
[26] "Studies in Irish Epigraphy," London, 1897, part i., by R. A. Stewart Macalister, who gives a most lucid133 study of the Ogam inscriptions in the Barony of Corcaguiney and of a few more, with a clear and interesting preface on the Ogam words and case-endings.
[27] It is thus he explains such Ogam forms as "Erc maqi maqi-Ercias," i.e., [the stone] of Erc, son of, etc. But "Erc" is nominative, "maqi" is genitive, hence "Erc maqi" must be looked upon as one word, agglutinated as it were, in which the genitive ending of the "maqi" answers for both. As a rule, however, the name of the interred134 is in the genitive case in apposition to "maqi."
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1
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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den
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| n.兽穴；秘密地方；安静的小房间，私室 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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10
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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isles
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| 岛( isle的名词复数 ) | |
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persuasive
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| adj.有说服力的，能说得使人相信的 | |
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prosper
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| v.成功，兴隆，昌盛；使成功，使昌隆，繁荣 | |
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epic
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| n.史诗，叙事诗；adj.史诗般的，壮丽的 | |
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15
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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16
commemorated
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| v.纪念，庆祝( commemorate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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17
geographer
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| n.地理学者 | |
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18
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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19
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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20
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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21
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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22
inscribed
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| v.写，刻( inscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；内接 | |
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23
inscribe
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| v.刻；雕；题写；牢记 | |
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24
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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ingenuity
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| n.别出心裁；善于发明创造 | |
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27
vowels
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| n.元音，元音字母( vowel的名词复数 ) | |
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28
philosophical
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| adj.哲学家的，哲学上的，达观的 | |
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simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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30
ripened
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| v.成熟，使熟( ripen的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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31
cork
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| n.软木，软木塞 | |
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32
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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cryptic
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| adj.秘密的，神秘的，含义模糊的 | |
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ciphers
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| n.密码( cipher的名词复数 )；零；不重要的人；无价值的东西 | |
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35
initiated
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| n. 创始人 adj. 新加入的 vt. 开始，创始，启蒙，介绍加入 | |
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36
inscriptions
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| （作者）题词( inscription的名词复数 )； 献词； 碑文； 证劵持有人的登记 | |
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37
inscription
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| n.（尤指石块上的）刻印文字，铭文，碑文 | |
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38
saga
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| n.(尤指中世纪北欧海盗的)故事，英雄传奇 | |
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39
sagas
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| n.萨迦（尤指古代挪威或冰岛讲述冒险经历和英雄业绩的长篇故事）( saga的名词复数 )；（讲述许多年间发生的事情的）长篇故事；一连串的事件（或经历）；一连串经历的讲述（或记述） | |
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40
backwards
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| adv.往回地，向原处，倒，相反，前后倒置地 | |
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41
syllables
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| n.音节( syllable的名词复数 ) | |
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42
linguistic
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| adj.语言的，语言学的 | |
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43
allusion
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| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
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44
allusions
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| 暗指，间接提到( allusion的名词复数 ) | |
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corpses
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| n.死尸，尸体( corpse的名词复数 ) | |
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46
abominable
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| adj.可厌的，令人憎恶的 | |
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47
thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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48
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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49
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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50
antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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51
psalms
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| n.赞美诗( psalm的名词复数 )；圣诗；圣歌；(中的) | |
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52
confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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53
abound
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| vi.大量存在；(in，with)充满，富于 | |
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54
philologically
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| adv.语言学上 | |
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55
philological
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| adj.语言学的，文献学的 | |
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56
derive
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| v.取得；导出；引申；来自；源自；出自 | |
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57
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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58
fluency
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| n.流畅，雄辩，善辩 | |
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59
delightful
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| adj.令人高兴的，使人快乐的 | |
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60
delightfully
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| 大喜，欣然 | |
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61
graphic
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| adj.生动的，形象的，绘画的，文字的，图表的 | |
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62
gall
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| v.使烦恼，使焦躁，难堪；n.磨难 | |
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63
continental
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| adj.大陆的，大陆性的，欧洲大陆的 | |
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64
dwellers
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| n.居民，居住者( dweller的名词复数 ) | |
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65
attired
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| adj.穿着整齐的v.使穿上衣服，使穿上盛装( attire的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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66
avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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67
herds
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| 兽群( herd的名词复数 )； 牧群； 人群； 群众 | |
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68
harassed
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| adj. 疲倦的，厌烦的 动词harass的过去式和过去分词 | |
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69
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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70
amber
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| n.琥珀；琥珀色；adj.琥珀制的 | |
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71
joyful
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| adj.欢乐的，令人欢欣的 | |
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72
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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73
perplexed
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| adj.不知所措的 | |
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74
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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75
wont
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| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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aged
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| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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orators
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| n.演说者，演讲家( orator的名词复数 ) | |
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delicacy
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| n.精致，细微，微妙，精良；美味，佳肴 | |
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79
chattering
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| n. （机器振动发出的）咔嗒声，(鸟等)鸣，啁啾 adj. 喋喋不休的，啾啾声的 动词chatter的现在分词形式 | |
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80
persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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81
utterances
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| n.发声( utterance的名词复数 )；说话方式；语调；言论 | |
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82
eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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83
dressing
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| n.(食物)调料；包扎伤口的用品，敷料 | |
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84
depicted
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| 描绘，描画( depict的过去式和过去分词 )； 描述 | |
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85
colloquy
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| n.谈话，自由讨论 | |
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86
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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87
mundane
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| adj.平凡的；尘世的；宇宙的 | |
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narrations
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| 叙述事情的经过，故事( narration的名词复数 ) | |
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89
guardian
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| n.监护人；守卫者，保护者 | |
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90
emphatic
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| adj.强调的，着重的；无可置疑的，明显的 | |
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91
superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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92
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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93
genealogy
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| n.家系，宗谱 | |
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94
narratives
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| 记叙文( narrative的名词复数 )； 故事； 叙述； 叙述部分 | |
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95
genealogies
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| n.系谱，家系，宗谱( genealogy的名词复数 ) | |
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96
accurately
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| adv.准确地，精确地 | |
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97
specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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98
spectral
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| adj.幽灵的，鬼魂的 | |
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99
vehement
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| adj.感情强烈的；热烈的；(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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100
darting
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| v.投掷，投射( dart的现在分词 )；向前冲，飞奔 | |
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101
hawk
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| n.鹰，骗子；鹰派成员 | |
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102
prophesied
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| v.预告，预言( prophesy的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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103
foretold
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| v.预言，预示( foretell的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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104
darted
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| v.投掷，投射( dart的过去式和过去分词 )；向前冲，飞奔 | |
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yew
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| n.紫杉属树木 | |
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strand
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| vt.使（船）搁浅，使（某人）困于（某地） | |
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maiden
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| n.少女，处女；adj.未婚的，纯洁的，无经验的 | |
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108
chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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109
twig
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| n.小树枝，嫩枝；v.理解 | |
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treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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poetic
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| adj.富有诗意的，有诗人气质的，善于抒情的 | |
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112
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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113
massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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114
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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115
emblems
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| n.象征，标记( emblem的名词复数 ) | |
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acumen
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| n.敏锐，聪明 | |
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onward
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| adj.向前的，前进的；adv.向前，前进，在先 | |
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vestiges
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| 残余部分( vestige的名词复数 )； 遗迹； 痕迹； 毫不 | |
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attested
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| adj.经检验证明无病的，经检验证明无菌的v.证明( attest的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；声称…属实；使宣誓 | |
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120
bards
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| n.诗人( bard的名词复数 ) | |
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chisel
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| n.凿子；v.用凿子刻，雕，凿 | |
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upwards
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| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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monograph
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| n.专题文章，专题著作 | |
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attenuated
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| v.（使）变细( attenuate的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）变薄；（使）变小；减弱 | |
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125
suffix
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| n.后缀；vt.添后缀 | |
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126
contention
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| n.争论，争辩，论战；论点，主张 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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credence
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| n.信用，祭器台，供桌，凭证 | |
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divers
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| adj.不同的；种种的 | |
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130
equated
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| adj.换算的v.认为某事物（与另一事物）相等或相仿( equate的过去式和过去分词 )；相当于；等于；把（一事物） 和（另一事物）等同看待 | |
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alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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lucid
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| adj.明白易懂的，清晰的，头脑清楚的 | |
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interred
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| v.埋，葬( inter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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