THE IROQUOIS—BRESSANI—DE NOU?.
War ? Distress1 and Terror ? Richelieu ? Battle ? Ruin of Indian Tribes ? Mutual2 Destruction ? Iroquois and Algonquin ? Atrocities3 ? Frightful4 Position of the French ? Joseph Bressani ? His Capture ? His Treatment ? His Escape ? Anne de Nou? ? His Nocturnal Journey ? His Death
Two forces were battling for the mastery of Canada: on the one side, Christ, the Virgin5, and the Angels, with their agents, the priests; on the other, the Devil, and his tools, the Iroquois. Such at least was the view of the case held in full faith, not by the Jesuit Fathers alone, but by most of the colonists6. Never before had the fiend put forth7 such rage, and in the Iroquois he found instruments of a nature not uncongenial with his own.
At Quebec, Three Rivers, Montreal, and the little fort of Richelieu, that is to say, in all Canada, no man could hunt, fish, till the fields, or cut a tree in the forest, without peril8 to his scalp. The Iroquois were everywhere, and nowhere. A yell, 241 a volley of bullets, a rush of screeching10 savages11, and all was over. The soldiers hastened to the spot to find silence, solitude13, and a mangled14 corpse15.
"I had as lief," writes Father Vimont, "be beset16 by goblins as by the Iroquois. The one are about as invisible as the other. Our people on the Richelieu and at Montreal are kept in a closer confinement17 than ever were monks18 or nuns19 in our smallest convents in France."
The Confederates at this time were in a flush of unparalleled audacity20. They despised white men as base poltroons, and esteemed22 themselves warriors24 and heroes, destined25 to conquer all mankind. [1] The fire-arms with which the Dutch had rashly supplied them, joined to their united councils, their courage, and ferocity, gave them an advantage over the surrounding tribes which they fully26 understood. Their passions rose with their sense of power. They boasted that they would wipe the Hurons, the Algonquins, and the French from the face of the earth, and carry the "white girls," meaning the nuns, to their villages. This last event, indeed, seemed more than probable; and the Hospital nuns left their exposed station at Sillery, and withdrew to the ramparts and palisades of Quebec. The St. Lawrence and the Ottawa were so infested27, that communication with the 242 Huron country was cut off; and three times the annual packet of letters sent thither28 to the missionaries29 fell into the hands of the Iroquois.
[1] Bressani, when a prisoner among them, writes to this effect in a letter to his Superior.—See Relation Abrégée, 131.
The anonymous30 author of the Relation of 1660 says, that, in their belief, if their nation were destroyed, a general confusion and overthrow31 of mankind must needs be the consequence.—Relation, 1660, 6.
It was towards the close of the year 1640 that the scourge33 of Iroquois war had begun to fall heavily on the French. At that time, a party of their warriors waylaid34 and captured Thomas Godefroy and Fran?ois Marguerie, the latter a young man of great energy and daring, familiar with the woods, a master of the Algonquin language, and a scholar of no mean acquirements. [2] To the great joy of the colonists, he and his companion were brought back to Three Rivers by their captors, and given up, in the vain hope that the French would respond with a gift of fire-arms. Their demand for them being declined, they broke off the parley35 in a rage, fortified36 themselves, fired on the French, and withdrew under cover of night.
[2] During his captivity37, he wrote, on a beaver38-skin, a letter to the Dutch in French, Latin, and English.
Open war now ensued, and for a time all was bewilderment and terror. How to check the inroads of an enemy so stealthy and so keen for blood was the problem that taxed the brain of Montmagny, the Governor. He thought he had found a solution, when he conceived the plan of building a fort at the mouth of the River Richelieu, by which the Iroquois always made their descents to the St. Lawrence. Happily for the perishing colony, the Cardinal39 de Richelieu, in 1642, sent out thirty or forty soldiers for its defence. [3] Ten times the number 243 would have been scarcely sufficient; but even this slight succor40 was hailed with delight, and Montmagny was enabled to carry into effect his plan of the fort, for which hitherto he had had neither builders nor garrison41. He took with him, besides the new-comers, a body of soldiers and armed laborers42 from Quebec, and, with a force of about a hundred men in all, [4] sailed for the Richelieu, in a brigantine and two or three open boats.
[3] Faillon, Colonie Fran?aise, II. 2; Vimont, Relation, 1642, 2, 44.
[4] Marie de l'Incarnation, Lettre, Sept. 29, 1642.
On the thirteenth of August he reached his destination, and landed where the town of Sorel now stands. It was but eleven days before that Jogues and his companions had been captured, and Montmagny's followers43 found ghastly tokens of the disaster. The heads of the slain44 were stuck on poles by the side of the river; and several trees, from which portions of the bark had been peeled, were daubed with the rude picture-writing in which the victors recorded their exploit. [5] Among the rest, a representation of Jogues himself was clearly distinguishable. The heads were removed, the trees cut down, and a large cross planted on the spot. An altar was raised, and all heard mass; then a volley of musketry was fired; and then they fell to their work. They hewed45 an opening into the forest, dug up the roots, cleared the ground, and cut, shaped, and planted 244 palisades. Thus a week passed, and their defences were nearly completed, when suddenly the war-whoop rang in their ears, and two hundred Iroquois rushed upon them from the borders of the clearing. [6]
[5] Vimont, Relation, 1642, 52.
This practice was common to many tribes, and is not yet extinct. The writer has seen similar records, made by recent war-parties of Crows or Blackfeet, in the remote West. In this case, the bark was removed from the trunks of large cotton-wood trees, and the pictures traced with charcoal46 and vermilion. There were marks for scalps, for prisoners, and for the conquerors47 themselves.
[6] The Relation of 1642 says three hundred. Jogues, who had been among them to his cost, is the better authority.
It was the party of warriors that Jogues had met on an island in Lake Champlain. But for the courage of Du Rocher, a corporal, who was on guard, they would have carried all before them. They were rushing through an opening in the palisade, when he, with a few soldiers, met them with such vigor48 and resolution, that they were held in check long enough for the rest to snatch their arms. Montmagny, who was on the river in his brigantine, hastened on shore, and the soldiers, encouraged by his arrival, fought with great determination.
The Iroquois, on their part, swarmed49 up to the palisade, thrust their guns through the loop-holes, and fired on those within; nor was it till several of them had been killed and others wounded that they learned to keep a more prudent50 distance. A tall savage12, wearing a crest51 of the hair of some animal, dyed scarlet52 and bound with a fillet of wampum, leaped forward to the attack, and was shot dead. Another shared his fate, with seven buck-shot in his shield, and as many in his body. The French, with shouts, redoubled their fire, and the Indians at length lost heart and fell back. The wounded dropped guns, shields, and war-clubs, and the whole band withdrew to the shelter of a fort which they had built in the forest, three miles above. On the 245 part of the French, one man was killed and four wounded. They had narrowly escaped a disaster which might have proved the ruin of the colony; and they now gained time so far to strengthen their defences as to make them reasonably secure against any attack of savages. [7] The new fort, however, did not effectually answer its purpose of stopping the inroads of the Iroquois. They would land a mile or more above it, carry their canoes through the forest across an intervening tongue of land, and then launch them in the St. Lawrence, while the garrison remained in total ignorance of their movements.
[7] Vimont, Relation, 1642, 50, 51.
Assaults by Indians on fortified places are rare. The Iroquois are known, however, to have made them with success in several cases, some of the most remarkable53 of which will appear hereafter. The courage of Indians is uncertain and spasmodic. They are capable, at times, of a furious temerity54, approaching desperation; but this is liable to sudden and extreme reaction. Their courage, too, is much oftener displayed in covert55 than in open attacks.
While the French were thus beset, their Indian allies fared still worse. The effect of Iroquois hostilities56 on all the Algonquin tribes of Canada, from the Saguenay to the Lake of the Nipissings, had become frightfully apparent. Famine and pestilence57 had aided the ravages58 of war, till these wretched bands seemed in the course of rapid extermination59. Their spirit was broken. They became humble60 and docile61 in the hands of the missionaries, ceased their railings against the new doctrine62, and leaned on the French as their only hope in this extremity63 of woe64. Sometimes they would appear in troops at Sillery or Three Rivers, 246 scared out of their forests by the sight of an Iroquois footprint; then some new terror would seize them, and drive them back to seek a hiding-place in the deepest thickets65 of the wilderness66. Their best hunting-grounds were beset by the enemy. They starved for weeks together, subsisting67 on the bark of trees or the thongs68 of raw hide which formed the net-work of their snow-shoes. The mortality among them was prodigious69. "Where, eight years ago," writes Father Vimont, "one would see a hundred wigwams, one now sees scarcely five or six. A chief who once had eight hundred warriors has now but thirty or forty; and in place of fleets of three or four hundred canoes, we see less than a tenth of that number." [8]
[8] Relation, 1644, 3.
These Canadian tribes were undergoing that process of extermination, absorption, or expatriation, which, as there is reason to believe, had for many generations formed the gloomy and meaningless history of the greater part of this continent. Three or four hundred Dutch guns, in the hands of the conquerors, gave an unwonted quickness and decision to the work, but in no way changed its essential character. The horrible nature of this warfare70 can be known only through examples; and of these one or two will suffice.
A band of Algonquins, late in the autumn of 1641, set forth from Three Rivers on their winter hunt, and, fearful of the Iroquois, made their way far northward71, into the depths of the forests that border the Ottawa. Here they thought themselves 247 safe, built their lodges73, and began to hunt the moose and beaver. But a large party of their enemies, with a persistent74 ferocity that is truly astonishing, had penetrated75 even here, found the traces of the snow-shoes, followed up their human prey76, and hid at nightfall among the rocks and thickets around the encampment. At midnight, their yells and the blows of their war-clubs awakened77 their sleeping victims. In a few minutes all were in their power. They bound the prisoners hand and foot, rekindled78 the fire, slung79 the kettles, cut the bodies of the slain to pieces, and boiled and devoured80 them before the eyes of the wretched survivors81. "In a word," says the narrator, "they ate men with as much appetite and more pleasure than hunters eat a boar or a stag." [9]
[9] Vimont, Relation, 1642, 46.
Meanwhile they amused themselves with bantering82 their prisoners. "Uncle," said one of them to an old Algonquin, "you are a dead man. You are going to the land of souls. Tell them to take heart: they will have good company soon, for we are going to send all the rest of your nation to join them. This will be good news for them." [10]
[10] Vimont, Relation, 1642, 45.
This old man, who is described as no less malicious83 than his captors, and even more crafty84, soon after escaped, and brought tidings of the disaster to the French. In the following spring, two women of the party also escaped; and, after suffering almost incredible hardships, reached Three Rivers, torn with briers, nearly naked, and in a deplorable state of bodily and mental exhaustion85. One of them 248 told her story to Father Buteux, who translated it into French, and gave it to Vimont to be printed in the Relation of 1642. Revolting as it is, it is necessary to recount it. Suffice it to say, that it is sustained by the whole body of contemporary evidence in regard to the practices of the Iroquois and some of the neighboring tribes.
The conquerors feasted in the lodge72 till nearly daybreak, and then, after a short rest, began their march homeward with their prisoners. Among these were three women, of whom the narrator was one, who had each a child of a few weeks or months old. At the first halt, their captors took the infants from them, tied them to wooden spits, placed them to die slowly before a fire, and feasted on them before the eyes of the agonized86 mothers, whose shrieks87, supplications, and frantic88 efforts to break the cords that bound them were met with mockery and laughter. "They are not men, they are wolves!" sobbed89 the wretched woman, as she told what had befallen her to the pitying Jesuit. [11] At the Fall of the Chaudière, another of the women ended her woes90 by leaping into the cataract91. When they approached the first Iroquois town, they were met, at the distance of several leagues, by a crowd of the inhabitants, and among them a troop of women, bringing food to regale92 the triumphant93 warriors. Here they halted, and passed the night in songs of victory, mingled94 with the dismal95 chant of the prisoners, who were forced to dance for their entertainment.
[11] Vimont, Relation, 1642, 46.
On the morrow, they entered the town, leading 249 the captive Algonquins, fast bound, and surrounded by a crowd of men, women, and children, all singing at the top of their throats. The largest lodge was ready to receive them; and as they entered, the victims read their doom96 in the fires that blazed on the earthen floor, and in the aspect of the attendant savages, whom the Jesuit Father calls attendant demons97, that waited their coming. The torture which ensued was but preliminary, designed to cause all possible suffering without touching98 life. It consisted in blows with sticks and cudgels, gashing99 their limbs with knives, cutting off their fingers with clam-shells, scorching100 them with firebrands, and other indescribable torments101. [12] The women were stripped naked, and forced to dance to the singing of the male prisoners, amid the applause and laughter of the crowd. They then gave them food, to strengthen them for further suffering.
[12] "Cette pauure creature qui s'est sauuée, a les deux pouces couppez, ou plus tost hachez. Quand ils me les eurent couppez, disoit-elle, ils me les voulurent faire manger; mais ie les mis sur mon giron, et leur dis qu'ils me tuassent s'ils vouloient, que ie ne leur pouuois obeir."—Buteux in Relation, 1642, 47.
On the following morning, they were placed on a large scaffold, in sight of the whole population. It was a gala-day. Young and old were gathered from far and near. Some mounted the scaffold, and scorched102 them with torches and firebrands; while the children, standing103 beneath the bark platform, applied104 fire to the feet of the prisoners between the crevices105. The Algonquin women were told to burn their husbands and companions; and one of them obeyed, vainly thinking to appease106 her 250 tormentors. The stoicism of one of the warriors enraged107 his captors beyond measure. "Scream! why don't you scream?" they cried, thrusting their burning brands at his naked body. "Look at me," he answered; "you cannot make me wince108. If you were in my place, you would screech9 like babies." At this they fell upon him with redoubled fury, till their knives and firebrands left in him no semblance109 of humanity. He was defiant110 to the last, and when death came to his relief, they tore out his heart and devoured it; then hacked111 him in pieces, and made their feast of triumph on his mangled limbs. [13]
[13] The diabolical112 practices described above were not peculiar113 to the Iroquois. The Neutrals and other kindred tribes were no whit21 less cruel. It is a remark of Mr. Gallatin, and I think a just one, that the Indians west of the Mississippi are less ferocious114 than those east of it. The burning of prisoners is rare among the prairie tribes, but is not unknown. An Ogillallah chief, in whose lodge I lived for several weeks in 1846, described to me, with most expressive115 pantomime, how he had captured and burned a warrior23 of the Snake Tribe, in a valley of the Medicine Bow Mountains, near which we were then encamped.
All the men and all the old women of the party were put to death in a similar manner, though but few displayed the same amazing fortitude116. The younger women, of whom there were about thirty, after passing their ordeal117 of torture, were permitted to live; and, disfigured as they were, were distributed among the several villages, as concubines or slaves to the Iroquois warriors. Of this number were the narrator and her companion, who, being ordered to accompany a war-party and carry their provisions, escaped at night into the forest, and reached Three Rivers, as we have seen.
251 While the Indian allies of the French were wasting away beneath this atrocious warfare, the French themselves, and especially the travelling Jesuits, had their full share of the infliction118. In truth, the puny119 and sickly colony seemed in the gasps120 of dissolution. The beginning of spring, particularly, was a season of terror and suspense121; for with the breaking up of the ice, sure as a destiny, came the Iroquois. As soon as a canoe could float, they were on the war-path; and with the cry of the returning wild-fowl mingled the yell of these human tigers. They did not always wait for the breaking ice, but set forth on foot, and, when they came to open water, made canoes and embarked122.
Well might Father Vimont call the Iroquois "the scourge of this infant church." They burned, hacked, and devoured the neophytes; exterminated123 whole villages at once; destroyed the nations whom the Fathers hoped to convert; and ruined that sure ally of the missions, the fur-trade. Not the most hideous124 nightmare of a fevered brain could transcend125 in horror the real and waking perils126 with which they beset the path of these intrepid127 priests.
In the spring of 1644, Joseph Bressani, an Italian Jesuit, born in Rome, and now for two years past a missionary128 in Canada, was ordered by his Superior to go up to the Hurons. It was so early in the season that there seemed hope that he might pass in safety; and as the Fathers in that wild mission had received no succor for three years, Bressani was charged with letters to them, and such 252 necessaries for their use as he was able to carry. With him were six young Hurons, lately converted, and a French boy in his service. The party were in three small canoes. Before setting out, they all confessed and prepared for death.
They left Three Rivers on the twenty-seventh of April, and found ice still floating in the river, and patches of snow lying in the naked forests. On the first day, one of the canoes overset, nearly drowning Bressani, who could not swim. On the third day, a snow-storm began, and greatly retarded129 their progress. The young Indians foolishly fired their guns at the wild-fowl on the river, and the sound reached the ears of a war-party of Iroquois, one of ten that had already set forth for the St. Lawrence, the Ottawa, and the Huron towns. [14] Hence it befell, that, as they crossed the mouth of a small stream entering the St. Lawrence, twenty-seven Iroquois suddenly issued from behind a point, and attacked them in canoes. One of the Hurons was killed, and all the rest of the party captured without resistance.
[14] Vimont, Relation, 1644, 41.
On the fifteenth of July following, Bressani wrote from the Iroquois country to the General of the Jesuits at Rome:—"I do not know if your Paternity will recognize the handwriting of one whom you once knew very well. The letter is soiled and ill-written; because the writer has only one finger of his right hand left entire, and cannot prevent the blood from his wounds, which are still open, from staining the paper. His ink is 253 gunpowder130 mixed with water, and his table is the earth." [15]
[15] This letter is printed anonymously131 in the Second Part, Chap. II, of Bressani's Relation Abrégée. A comparison with Vimont's account, in the Relation of 1644, makes its authorship apparent. Vimont's narrative132 agrees in all essential points. His informant was "vne personne digne de foy, qui a esté tesmoin oculaire de tout133 ce qu'il a souffert pendant sa captiuité."—Vimont, Relation, 1644, 43.
Then follows a modest narrative of what he endured at the hands of his captors. First they thanked the Sun for their victory; then plundered134 the canoes; then cut up, roasted, and devoured the slain Huron before the eyes of the prisoners. On the next day they crossed to the southern shore, and ascended135 the River Richelieu as far as the rapids of Chambly, whence they pursued their march on foot among the brambles, rocks, and swamps of the trackless forest. When they reached Lake Champlain, they made new canoes and re-embarked, landed at its southern extremity six days afterwards, and thence made for the Upper Hudson. Here they found a fishing camp of four hundred Iroquois, and now Bressani's torments began in earnest. They split his hand with a knife, between the little finger and the ring finger; then beat him with sticks, till he was covered with blood; and afterwards placed him on one of their torture-scaffolds of bark, as a spectacle to the crowd. Here they stripped him, and while he shivered with cold from head to foot they forced him to sing. After about two hours they gave him up to the children, who ordered him to dance, at the same time thrusting sharpened sticks into his 254 flesh, and pulling out his hair and beard. "Sing!" cried one; "Hold your tongue!" screamed another; and if he obeyed the first, the second burned him. "We will burn you to death; we will eat you." "I will eat one of your hands." "And I will eat one of your feet." [16] These scenes were renewed every night for a week. Every evening a chief cried aloud through the camp, "Come, my children, come and caress136 our prisoners!"—and the savage crew thronged137 jubilant to a large hut, where the captives lay. They stripped off the torn fragment of a cassock, which was the priest's only garment; burned him with live coals and red-hot stones; forced him to walk on hot cinders138; burned off now a finger-nail and now the joint139 of a finger,—rarely more than one at a time, however, for they economized140 their pleasures, and reserved the rest for another day. This torture was protracted141 till one or two o'clock, after which they left him on the ground, fast bound to four stakes, and covered only with a scanty142 fragment of deer-skin. [17] 255 The other prisoners had their share of torture; but the worst fell upon the Jesuit, as the chief man of the party. The unhappy boy who attended him, though only twelve or thirteen years old, was tormented143 before his eyes with a pitiless ferocity.
[16] "Ils me répétaient sans cesse: Nous te br?lerons; nous te mangerons;—je te mangerai un pied;—et moi, une main," etc.—Bressani, in Relation Abrégée, 137.
[17] "Chaque nuit après m'avoir fait chanter, et m'avoir tourmenté comme ie l'ai dit, ils passaient environ un quart d'heure à me br?ler un ongle ou un doigt. Il ne m'en reste maintenant qu'un seul entier, et encore ils en ont arraché l'ongle avec les dents144. Un soir ils m'enlevaient un ongle, le lendemain la première phalange, le jour suivant la seconde. En six fois, ils en br?lèrent presque six. Aux mains seules, ils m'ont appliqué le feu et le fer plus de 18 fois, et i'étais obligé de chanter pendant ce supplice. Ils ne cessaient de me tourmenter qu'à une ou deux heures de la nuit."—Bressani, Relation Abrégée, 122.
Bressani speaks in another passage of tortures of a nature yet more excruciating. They were similar to those alluded145 to by the anonymous author of the Relation of 1660: "Ie ferois rougir ce papier, et les oreilles frémiroient, si ie rapportois les horribles traitemens que les Agnieronnons" (the Mohawk nation of the Iroquois) "ont faits sur quelques captifs." He adds, that past ages have never heard of such.—Relation, 1660, 7, 8.
At length they left this encampment, and, after a march of several days,—during which Bressani, in wading146 a rocky stream, fell from exhaustion and was nearly drowned,—they reached an Iroquois town. It is needless to follow the revolting details of the new torments that succeeded. They hung him by the feet with chains; placed food for their dogs on his naked body, that they might lacerate him as they ate; and at last had reduced his emaciated147 frame to such a condition, that even they themselves stood in horror of him. "I could not have believed," he writes to his Superior, "that a man was so hard to kill." He found among them those who, from compassion148, or from a refinement149 of cruelty, fed him, for he could not feed himself. They told him jestingly that they wished to fatten150 him before putting him to death.
The council that was to decide his fate met on the nineteenth of June, when, to the prisoner's amazement151, and, as it seemed, to their own surprise, they resolved to spare his life. He was given, with due ceremony, to an old woman, to take the place of a deceased relative; but, since he was as repulsive152, in his mangled condition, as, by the Indian 256 standard, he was useless, she sent her son with him to Fort Orange, to sell him to the Dutch. With the same humanity which they had shown in the case of Jogues, they gave a generous ransom153 for him, supplied him with clothing, kept him till his strength was in some degree recruited, and then placed him on board a vessel154 bound for Rochelle. Here he arrived on the fifteenth of November; and in the following spring, maimed and disfigured, but with health restored, embarked to dare again the knives and firebrands of the Iroquois. [18]
[18] Immediately on his return to Canada he was ordered to set out again for the Hurons. More fortunate than on his first attempt, he arrived safely, early in the autumn of 1645.—Ragueneau, Relation des Hurons, 1646, 73.
On Bressani, besides the authorities cited, see Du Creux, Historia Canadensis, 399-403; Juchereau, Histoire de l'H?tel-Dieu, 53; and Martin, Biographie du P. Fran?ois-Joseph Bressani, prefixed to the Relation Abrégée.
He made no converts while a prisoner, but he baptized a Huron catechumen at the stake, to the great fury of the surrounding Iroquois. He has left, besides his letters, some interesting notes on his captivity, preserved in the Relation Abrégée.
It should be noticed, in justice to the Iroquois, that, ferocious and cruel as past all denial they were, they were not so bereft155 of the instincts of humanity as at first sight might appear. An inexorable severity towards enemies was a very essential element, in their savage conception, of the character of the warrior. Pity was a cowardly weakness, at which their pride revolted. This, joined to their thirst for applause and their dread156 of ridicule157, made them smother158 every movement of compassion, [19] and 257 conspired159 with their native fierceness to form a character of unrelenting cruelty rarely equalled.
[19] Thus, when Bressani, tortured by the tightness of the cords that bound him, asked an Indian to loosen them, he would reply by mockery, if others were present; but if no one saw him, he usually complied.
The perils which beset the missionaries did not spring from the fury of the Iroquois alone, for Nature herself was armed with terror in this stern wilderness of New France. On the thirtieth of January, 1646, Father Anne de Nou? set out from Three Rivers to go to the fort built by the French at the mouth of the River Richelieu, where he was to say mass and hear confessions160. De Nou? was sixty-three years old, and had come to Canada in 1625. [20] As an indifferent memory disabled him from mastering the Indian languages, he devoted161 himself to the spiritual charge of the French, and of the Indians about the forts, within reach of an interpreter. For the rest, he attended the sick, and, in times of scarcity162, fished in the river or dug roots in the woods for the subsistence of his flock. In short, though sprung from a noble family of Champagne163, he shrank from no toil164, however humble, to which his idea of duty or his vow165 of obedience166 called him. [21]
[20] See "Pioneers of France," 393.
[21] He was peculiarly sensitive as regarded the cardinal Jesuit virtue167 of obedience; and both Lalemant and Bressani say, that, at the age of sixty and upwards168, he was sometimes seen in tears, when he imagined that he had not fulfilled to the utmost the commands of his Superior.
The old missionary had for companions two soldiers and a Huron Indian. They were all on snow-shoes, and the soldiers dragged their baggage on small sledges169. Their highway was the St. Lawrence, transformed to solid ice, and buried, like all the country, beneath two or three feet of snow, 258 which, far and near, glared dazzling white under the clear winter sun. Before night they had walked eighteen miles, and the soldiers, unused to snow-shoes, were greatly fatigued170. They made their camp in the forest, on the shore of the great expansion of the St. Lawrence called the Lake of St. Peter,—dug away the snow, heaped it around the spot as a barrier against the wind, made their fire on the frozen earth in the midst, and lay down to sleep. At two o'clock in the morning De Nou? awoke. The moon shone like daylight over the vast white desert of the frozen lake, with its bordering fir-trees bowed to the ground with snow; and the kindly171 thought struck the Father, that he might ease his companions by going in advance to Fort Richelieu, and sending back men to aid them in dragging their sledges. He knew the way well. He directed them to follow the tracks of his snow-shoes in the morning; and, not doubting to reach the fort before night, left behind his blanket and his flint and steel. For provisions, he put a morsel172 of bread and five or six prunes173 in his pocket, told his rosary, and set forth.
Before dawn the weather changed. The air thickened, clouds hid the moon, and a snow-storm set in. The traveller was in utter darkness. He lost the points of the compass, wandered far out on the lake, and when day appeared could see nothing but the snow beneath his feet, and the myriads174 of falling flakes175 that encompassed176 him like a curtain, impervious177 to the sight. Still he toiled178 on, winding179 hither and thither, and at times unwittingly circling 259 back on his own footsteps. At night he dug a hole in the snow under the shore of an island, and lay down, without fire, food, or blanket.
Meanwhile the two soldiers and the Indian, unable to trace his footprints, which the snow had hidden, pursued their way for the fort; but the Indian was ignorant of the country, and the Frenchmen were unskilled. They wandered from their course, and at evening encamped on the shore of the island of St. Ignace, at no great distance from De Nou?. Here the Indian, trusting to his instinct, left them and set forth alone in search of their destination, which he soon succeeded in finding. The palisades of the feeble little fort, and the rude buildings within, were whitened with snow, and half buried in it. Here, amid the desolation, a handful of men kept watch and ward32 against the Iroquois. Seated by the blazing logs, the Indian asked for De Nou?, and, to his astonishment180, the soldiers of the garrison told him that he had not been seen. The captain of the post was called; all was anxiety; but nothing could be done that night.
At daybreak parties went out to search. The two soldiers were readily found; but they looked in vain for the missionary. All day they were ranging the ice, firing their guns and shouting; but to no avail, and they returned disconsolate181. There was a converted Indian, whom the French called Charles, at the fort, one of four who were spending the winter there. On the next morning, the second of February, he and one of his companions, together 260 with Baron182, a French soldier, resumed the search; and, guided by the slight depressions in the snow which had fallen on the wanderer's footprints, the quick-eyed savages traced him through all his windings183, found his camp by the shore of the island, and thence followed him beyond the fort. He had passed near without discovering it,—perhaps weakness had dimmed his sight,—stopped to rest at a point a league above, and thence made his way about three leagues farther. Here they found him. He had dug a circular excavation184 in the snow, and was kneeling in it on the earth. His head was bare, his eyes open and turned upwards, and his hands clasped on his breast. His hat and his snow-shoes lay at his side. The body was leaning slightly forward, resting against the bank of snow before it, and frozen to the hardness of marble.
[22] Lalemant, Relation, 1646, 9; Marie de l'Incarnation, Lettre, 10 Sept., 1646; Bressani, Relation Abrégée, 175.
One of the Indians who found the body of De Nou? was killed by the Iroquois at Ossossané, in the Huron country, three years after. He received the death-blow in a posture186 like that in which he had seen the dead missionary. His body was found with the hands still clasped on the breast.—Lettre de Chaumonot à Lalemant, 1 Juin, 1649.
The next death among the Jesuits was that of Masse, who died at Sillery, on the twelfth of May of this year, 1646, at the age of seventy-two. He had come with Biard to Acadia as early as 1611. (See "Pioneers of France," 262.) Lalemant, in the Relation of 1646, gives an account of him, and speaks of penances187 which he imposed on himself, some of which are to the last degree disgusting.
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1
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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atrocities
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| n.邪恶，暴行( atrocity的名词复数 )；滔天大罪 | |
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frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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5
virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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screech
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| n./v.尖叫；(发出)刺耳的声音 | |
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screeching
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| v.发出尖叫声( screech的现在分词 )；发出粗而刺耳的声音；高叫 | |
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savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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13
solitude
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| n. 孤独; 独居,荒僻之地,幽静的地方 | |
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mangled
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| vt.乱砍（mangle的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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15
corpse
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| n.尸体，死尸 | |
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beset
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| v.镶嵌；困扰，包围 | |
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confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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nuns
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| n.（通常指基督教的）修女， （佛教的）尼姑( nun的名词复数 ) | |
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audacity
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| n.大胆，卤莽，无礼 | |
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21
whit
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| n.一点，丝毫 | |
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esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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25
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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26
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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27
infested
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| adj.为患的，大批滋生的（常与with搭配）v.害虫、野兽大批出没于( infest的过去式和过去分词 )；遍布于 | |
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28
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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29
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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30
anonymous
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| adj.无名的；匿名的；无特色的 | |
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31
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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32
ward
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| n.守卫，监护，病房，行政区，由监护人或法院保护的人（尤指儿童）；vt.守护，躲开 | |
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33
scourge
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| n.灾难，祸害；v.蹂躏 | |
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34
waylaid
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| v.拦截，拦路( waylay的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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35
parley
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| n.谈判 | |
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36
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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37
captivity
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| n.囚禁；被俘；束缚 | |
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38
beaver
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| n.海狸，河狸 | |
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39
cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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40
succor
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| n.援助，帮助；v.给予帮助 | |
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41
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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42
laborers
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| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
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43
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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44
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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45
hewed
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| v.（用斧、刀等）砍、劈( hew的过去式和过去分词 )；砍成；劈出；开辟 | |
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46
charcoal
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| n.炭，木炭，生物炭 | |
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47
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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48
vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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49
swarmed
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| 密集( swarm的过去式和过去分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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50
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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51
crest
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| n.顶点；饰章；羽冠；vt.达到顶点；vi.形成浪尖 | |
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52
scarlet
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| n.深红色，绯红色，红衣；adj.绯红色的 | |
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53
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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54
temerity
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| n.鲁莽，冒失 | |
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55
covert
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| adj.隐藏的；暗地里的 | |
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56
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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57
pestilence
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| n.瘟疫 | |
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58
ravages
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| 劫掠后的残迹，破坏的结果，毁坏后的残迹 | |
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59
extermination
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| n.消灭，根绝 | |
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60
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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61
docile
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| adj.驯服的，易控制的，容易教的 | |
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62
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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63
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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64
woe
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| n.悲哀，苦痛，不幸，困难；int.用来表达悲伤或惊慌 | |
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65
thickets
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| n.灌木丛( thicket的名词复数 )；丛状物 | |
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66
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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67
subsisting
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| v.（靠很少的钱或食物）维持生活，生存下去( subsist的现在分词 ) | |
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68
thongs
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| 的东西 | |
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69
prodigious
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| adj.惊人的，奇妙的；异常的；巨大的；庞大的 | |
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70
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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71
northward
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| adv.向北；n.北方的地区 | |
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72
lodge
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| v.临时住宿，寄宿，寄存，容纳；n.传达室，小旅馆 | |
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73
lodges
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| v.存放( lodge的第三人称单数 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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74
persistent
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| adj.坚持不懈的，执意的；持续的 | |
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75
penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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76
prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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77
awakened
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| v.（使）醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）觉醒；弄醒；（使）意识到 | |
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78
rekindled
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| v.使再燃( rekindle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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79
slung
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| 抛( sling的过去式和过去分词 )； 吊挂； 遣送； 押往 | |
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80
devoured
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| 吞没( devour的过去式和过去分词 )； 耗尽； 津津有味地看； 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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81
survivors
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| 幸存者，残存者，生还者( survivor的名词复数 ) | |
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82
bantering
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| adj.嘲弄的v.开玩笑，说笑，逗乐( banter的现在分词 )；（善意地）取笑，逗弄 | |
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83
malicious
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| adj.有恶意的，心怀恶意的 | |
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84
crafty
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| adj.狡猾的，诡诈的 | |
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85
exhaustion
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| n.耗尽枯竭，疲惫，筋疲力尽，竭尽，详尽无遗的论述 | |
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86
agonized
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| v.使（极度）痛苦，折磨( agonize的过去式和过去分词 )；苦斗；苦苦思索；感到极度痛苦 | |
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87
shrieks
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| n.尖叫声( shriek的名词复数 )v.尖叫( shriek的第三人称单数 ) | |
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88
frantic
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| adj.狂乱的，错乱的，激昂的 | |
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89
sobbed
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| 哭泣，啜泣( sob的过去式和过去分词 )； 哭诉，呜咽地说 | |
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90
woes
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| 困境( woe的名词复数 )； 悲伤； 我好苦哇； 某人就要倒霉 | |
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91
cataract
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| n.大瀑布，奔流，洪水，白内障 | |
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92
regale
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| v.取悦，款待 | |
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93
triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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94
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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dismal
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| adj.阴沉的，凄凉的，令人忧郁的，差劲的 | |
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96
doom
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| n.厄运，劫数；v.注定，命定 | |
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97
demons
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| n.恶人( demon的名词复数 )；恶魔；精力过人的人；邪念 | |
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98
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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99
gashing
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| v.划伤，割破( gash的现在分词 ) | |
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100
scorching
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| adj. 灼热的 | |
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101
torments
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| （肉体或精神上的）折磨，痛苦( torment的名词复数 )； 造成痛苦的事物[人] | |
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102
scorched
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| 烧焦，烤焦( scorch的过去式和过去分词 )； 使（植物）枯萎，把…晒枯； 高速行驶； 枯焦 | |
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103
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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104
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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105
crevices
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| n.（尤指岩石的）裂缝，缺口( crevice的名词复数 ) | |
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106
appease
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| v.安抚，缓和，平息，满足 | |
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107
enraged
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| 使暴怒( enrage的过去式和过去分词 )； 歜； 激愤 | |
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108
wince
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| n.畏缩，退避，（因痛苦，苦恼等)面部肌肉抽动；v.畏缩，退缩，退避 | |
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109
semblance
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| n.外貌，外表 | |
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110
defiant
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| adj.无礼的，挑战的 | |
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111
hacked
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| 生气 | |
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112
diabolical
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| adj.恶魔似的，凶暴的 | |
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113
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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114
ferocious
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| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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115
expressive
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| adj.表现的，表达…的，富于表情的 | |
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116
fortitude
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| n.坚忍不拔；刚毅 | |
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117
ordeal
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| n.苦难经历，（尤指对品格、耐力的）严峻考验 | |
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118
infliction
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| n.（强加于人身的）痛苦，刑罚 | |
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119
puny
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| adj.微不足道的，弱小的 | |
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120
gasps
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| v.喘气( gasp的第三人称单数 )；喘息；倒抽气；很想要 | |
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121
suspense
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| n.（对可能发生的事）紧张感，担心，挂虑 | |
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122
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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123
exterminated
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| v.消灭，根绝( exterminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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124
hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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125
transcend
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| vt.超出，超越(理性等)的范围 | |
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126
perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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127
intrepid
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| adj.无畏的，刚毅的 | |
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128
missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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129
retarded
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| a.智力迟钝的，智力发育迟缓的 | |
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130
gunpowder
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| n.火药 | |
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131
anonymously
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| ad.用匿名的方式 | |
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132
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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133
tout
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| v.推销，招徕；兜售；吹捧，劝诱 | |
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134
plundered
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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135
ascended
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| v.上升，攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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136
caress
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| vt./n.爱抚，抚摸 | |
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137
thronged
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| v.成群，挤满( throng的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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138
cinders
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| n.煤渣( cinder的名词复数 )；炭渣；煤渣路；煤渣跑道 | |
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139
joint
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| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
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140
economized
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| v.节省，减少开支( economize的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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protracted
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| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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142
scanty
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| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
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143
tormented
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| 饱受折磨的 | |
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144
dents
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| n.花边边饰；凹痕( dent的名词复数 )；凹部；减少；削弱v.使产生凹痕( dent的第三人称单数 )；损害；伤害；挫伤（信心、名誉等） | |
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145
alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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146
wading
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| （从水、泥等）蹚，走过，跋( wade的现在分词 ) | |
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147
emaciated
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| adj.衰弱的，消瘦的 | |
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148
compassion
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| n.同情，怜悯 | |
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149
refinement
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| n.文雅；高尚；精美；精制；精炼 | |
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fatten
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| v.使肥，变肥 | |
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151
amazement
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| n.惊奇，惊讶 | |
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152
repulsive
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| adj.排斥的，使人反感的 | |
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153
ransom
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| n.赎金，赎身；v.赎回，解救 | |
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154
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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155
bereft
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| adj.被剥夺的 | |
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156
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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157
ridicule
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| v.讥讽，挖苦；n.嘲弄 | |
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158
smother
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| vt./vi.使窒息；抑制；闷死；n.浓烟；窒息 | |
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159
conspired
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| 密谋( conspire的过去式和过去分词 )； 搞阴谋； （事件等）巧合； 共同导致 | |
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confessions
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| n.承认( confession的名词复数 )；自首；声明；（向神父的）忏悔 | |
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161
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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162
scarcity
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| n.缺乏，不足，萧条 | |
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163
champagne
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| n.香槟酒；微黄色 | |
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164
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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165
vow
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| n.誓(言)，誓约；v.起誓，立誓 | |
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166
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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167
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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168
upwards
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| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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169
sledges
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| n.雪橇，雪车( sledge的名词复数 )v.乘雪橇( sledge的第三人称单数 )；用雪橇运载 | |
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170
fatigued
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| adj. 疲乏的 | |
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171
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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172
morsel
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| n.一口，一点点 | |
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173
prunes
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| n.西梅脯，西梅干( prune的名词复数 )v.修剪（树木等）( prune的第三人称单数 )；精简某事物，除去某事物多余的部分 | |
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174
myriads
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| n.无数，极大数量( myriad的名词复数 ) | |
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175
flakes
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| 小薄片( flake的名词复数 )； （尤指）碎片； 雪花； 古怪的人 | |
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176
encompassed
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| v.围绕( encompass的过去式和过去分词 )；包围；包含；包括 | |
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177
impervious
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| adj.不能渗透的，不能穿过的，不易伤害的 | |
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178
toiled
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| 长时间或辛苦地工作( toil的过去式和过去分词 )； 艰难缓慢地移动，跋涉 | |
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179
winding
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| n.绕，缠，绕组，线圈 | |
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180
astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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181
disconsolate
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| adj.忧郁的，不快的 | |
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182
baron
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| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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183
windings
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| （道路、河流等）蜿蜒的，弯曲的( winding的名词复数 )； 缠绕( wind的现在分词 )； 卷绕； 转动（把手） | |
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184
excavation
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| n.挖掘，发掘；被挖掘之地 | |
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185
martyr
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| n.烈士，殉难者；vt.杀害，折磨，牺牲 | |
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186
posture
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| n.姿势，姿态，心态，态度；v.作出某种姿势 | |
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187
penances
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| n.（赎罪的）苦行，苦修( penance的名词复数 ) | |
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