LA SALLE AND FRONTENAC.
Objects of La Salle.—Frontenac favors him.—Projects of Frontenac.—Cataraqui.—Frontenac on Lake Ontario.—Fort Frontenac.—La Salle and Fénelon.—Success of La Salle: his Enemies.
We turn from the humble1 Marquette, thanking God with his last breath that he died for his Order and his Faith; and by our side stands the masculine form of Cavelier de la Salle. Prodigious2 was the contrast between the two discoverers: the one, with clasped hands and upturned eyes, seems a figure evoked3 from some dim legend of medi?val saintship; the other, with feet firm planted on the hard earth, breathes the self-relying energies of modern practical enterprise. Nevertheless, La Salle's enemies called him a visionary. His projects perplexed4 and startled them. At first, they ridiculed5 him; and then, as step by step he advanced towards his purpose, they denounced and maligned6 him. What was this purpose? It was not of sudden growth, but developed as years went on. La Salle at La Chine dreamed of a western passage to China, and nursed vague [Pg 84] schemes of western discovery. Then, when his earlier journeyings revealed to him the valley of the Ohio and the fertile plains of Illinois, his imagination took wing over the boundless7 prairies and forests drained by the great river of the West. His ambition had found its field. He would leave barren and frozen Canada behind, and lead France and civilization into the valley of the Mississippi. Neither the English nor the Jesuits should conquer that rich domain8: the one must rest content with the country east of the Alleghanies, and the other with the forests, savages9, and beaver-skins of the northern lakes. It was for him to call into light the latent riches of the great West. But the way to his land of promise was rough and long: it lay through Canada, filled with hostile traders and hostile priests, and barred by ice for half the year. The difficulty was soon solved. La Salle became convinced that the Mississippi flowed, not into the Pacific or the Gulf11 of California, but into the Gulf of Mexico. By a fortified12 post at its mouth, he could guard it against both English and Spaniards, and secure for the trade of the interior an access and an outlet13 under his own control, and open at every season. Of this trade, the hides of the buffalo14 would at first form the staple15, and along with furs would reward the enterprise till other resources should be developed.
Such were the vast projects that unfolded themselves in the mind of La Salle. Canada must needs be, at the outset, his base of action, and without the [Pg 85] support of its authorities he could do nothing. This support he found. From the moment when Count Frontenac assumed the government of the colony, he seems to have looked with favor on the young discoverer. There were points of likeness16 between the two men. Both were ardent17, bold, and enterprising. The irascible and fiery18 pride of the noble found its match in the reserved and seemingly cold pride of the ambitious burgher. Each could comprehend the other; and they had, moreover, strong prejudices and dislikes in common. An understanding, not to say an alliance, soon grew up between them.
PROJECTS OF FRONTENAC.
Frontenac had come to Canada a ruined man. He was ostentatious, lavish19, and in no way disposed to let slip an opportunity of mending his fortune. He presently thought that he had found a plan by which he could serve both the colony and himself. His predecessor20, Courcelle, had urged upon the King the expediency21 of building a fort on Lake Ontario, in order to hold the Iroquois in check and intercept22 the trade which the tribes of the Upper Lakes had begun to carry on with the Dutch and English of New York. Thus a stream of wealth would be turned into Canada, which would otherwise enrich her enemies. Here, to all appearance, was a great public good, and from the military point of view it was so in fact; but it was clear that the trade thus secured might be made to profit, not the colony at large, but those alone who had control of the fort, which would then become the instrument of a monopoly. This [Pg 86] the governor understood; and, without doubt, he meant that the projected establishment should pay him tribute. How far he and La Salle were acting23 in concurrence24 at this time, it is not easy to say; but Frontenac often took counsel of the explorer, who, on his part, saw in the design a possible first step towards the accomplishment26 of his own far-reaching schemes.
EXPEDITION OF FRONTENAC
Such of the Canadian merchants as were not in the governor's confidence looked on his plan with extreme distrust. Frontenac, therefore, thought it expedient28 "to make use," as he expresses it, "of address." He gave out merely that he intended to make a tour through the upper parts of the colony with an armed force, in order to inspire the Indians with respect, and secure a solid peace. He had neither troops, money, munitions31, nor means of transportation; yet there was no time to lose, for, should he delay the execution of his plan, it might be countermanded32 by the King. His only resource, therefore, was in a prompt and hardy33 exertion34 of the royal authority; and he issued an order requiring the inhabitants of Quebec, Montreal, Three Rivers, and other settlements to furnish him, at their own cost, as soon as the spring sowing should be over, with a certain number of armed men, besides the requisite35 canoes. At the same time, he invited the officers settled in the country to join the expedition,—an invitation which, anxious as they were to gain his good graces, few of them cared to decline. Regardless of murmurs36 and discontent, he pushed his preparation [Pg 87] vigorously, and on the third of June left Quebec with his guard, his staff, a part of the garrison38 of the Castle of St. Louis, and a number of volunteers. He had already sent to La Salle, who was then at Montreal, directing him to repair to Onondaga, the political centre of the Iroquois, and invite their sachems to meet the governor in council at the Bay of Quinté on the north of Lake Ontario. La Salle had set out on his mission, but first sent Frontenac a map, which convinced him that the best site for his proposed fort was the mouth of the Cataraqui, where Kingston now stands. Another messenger was accordingly despatched, to change the rendezvous40 to this point.
Meanwhile, the governor proceeded at his leisure towards Montreal, stopping by the way to visit the officers settled along the bank, who, eager to pay their homage41 to the newly risen sun, received him with a hospitality which under the roof of a log hut was sometimes graced by the polished courtesies of the salon42 and the boudoir. Reaching Montreal, which he had never before seen, he gazed, we may suppose, with some interest at the long row of humble dwellings43 which lined the bank, the massive buildings of the Seminary, and the spire30 of the church predominant over all. It was a rude scene, but the greeting that awaited him savored44 nothing of the rough simplicity45 of the wilderness46. Perrot, the local governor, was on the shore with his soldiers and the inhabitants, drawn47 up under arms and firing [Pg 88] a salute48 to welcome the representative of the King. Frontenac was compelled to listen to a long harangue49 from the judge of the place, followed by another from the syndic. Then there was a solemn procession to the church, where he was forced to undergo a third effort of oratory50 from one of the priests. Te Deum followed, in thanks for his arrival; and then he took refuge in the fort. Here he remained thirteen days, busied with his preparations, organizing the militia51, soothing52 their mutual53 jealousies54, and settling knotty55 questions of rank and precedence. During this time, every means, as he declares, was used to prevent him from proceeding56; and among other devices a rumor57 was set on foot that a Dutch fleet, having just captured Boston, was on its way to attack Quebec.[67]
FRONTENAC'S JOURNEY
Having sent men, canoes, and baggage, by land, to La Salle's old settlement of La Chine, Frontenac himself followed on the twenty-eighth of June. Including Indians from the missions, he now had with him about four hundred men and a hundred and twenty canoes, besides two large flat-boats, which he caused to be painted in red and blue, with strange devices, intended to dazzle the Iroquois by a display of unwonted splendor58. Now their hard task began. Shouldering canoes through the forest, dragging the flat-boats along the shore, working like beavers,—sometimes [Pg 89] in water to the knees, sometimes to the armpits, their feet cut by the sharp stones, and they themselves well-nigh swept down by the furious current,—they fought their way upward against the chain of mighty59 rapids that break the navigation of the St. Lawrence. The Indians were of the greatest service. Frontenac, like La Salle, showed from the first a special faculty60 of managing them; for his keen, incisive61 spirit was exactly to their liking62, and they worked for him as they would have worked for no man else. As they approached the Long Saut, rain fell in torrents63; and the governor, without his cloak, and drenched64 to the skin, directed in person the amphibious toil65 of his followers66. Once, it is said, he lay awake all night, in his anxiety lest the biscuit should be wet, which would have ruined the expedition. No such mischance took place, and at length the last rapid was passed, and smooth water awaited them to their journey's end. Soon they reached the Thousand Islands, and their light flotilla glided67 in long file among those watery68 labyrinths69, by rocky islets, where some lonely pine towered like a mast against the sky; by sun-scorched crags, where the brown lichens70 crisped in the parching71 glare; by deep dells, shady and cool, rich in rank ferns, and spongy, dark-green mosses72; by still coves73, where the water-lilies lay like snow-flakes on their broad, flat leaves,—till at length they neared their goal, and the glistening74 bosom75 of Lake Ontario opened on their sight.
[Pg 90]
Frontenac, to impose respect on the Iroquois, now set his canoes in order of battle. Four divisions formed the first line, then came the two flat-boats; he himself, with his guards, his staff, and the gentlemen volunteers, followed, with the canoes of Three Rivers on his right, and those of the Indians on his left, while two remaining divisions formed a rear line. Thus, with measured paddles, they advanced over the still lake, till they saw a canoe approaching to meet them. It bore several Iroquois chiefs, who told them that the dignitaries of their nation awaited them at Cataraqui, and offered to guide them to the spot. They entered the wide mouth of the river, and passed along the shore, now covered by the quiet little city of Kingston, till they reached the point at present occupied by the barracks, at the western end of Cataraqui bridge. Here they stranded76 their canoes and disembarked. Baggage was landed, fires lighted, tents pitched, and guards set. Close at hand, under the lee of the forest, were the camping sheds of the Iroquois, who had come to the rendezvous in considerable numbers.
FRONTENAC AT CATARAQUI
At daybreak of the next morning, the thirteenth of July, the drums beat, and the whole party were drawn up under arms. A double line of men extended from the front of Frontenac's tent to the Indian camp; and, through the lane thus formed, the savage10 deputies, sixty in number, advanced to the place of council. They could not hide their admiration78 at the martial79 array of the French, many of whom were old [Pg 91] soldiers of the regiment80 of Carignan; and when they reached the tent they ejaculated their astonishment81 at the uniforms of the governor's guard who surrounded it. Here the ground had been carpeted with the sails of the flat-boats, on which the deputies squatted82 themselves in a ring and smoked their pipes for a time with their usual air of deliberate gravity; while Frontenac, who sat surrounded by his officers, had full leisure to contemplate83 the formidable adversaries84 whose mettle85 was hereafter to put his own to so severe a test. A chief named Garakontié, a noted86 friend of the French, at length opened the council, in behalf of all the five Iroquois nations, with expressions of great respect and deference87 towards "Onontio;" that is to say, the governor of Canada. Whereupon Frontenac, whose native arrogance88 where Indians were concerned always took a form which imposed respect without exciting anger, replied in the following strain:—
"Children! Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas, and Senecas. I am glad to see you here, where I have had a fire lighted for you to smoke by, and for me to talk to you. You have done well, my children, to obey the command of your Father. Take courage: you will hear his word, which is full of peace and tenderness. For do not think that I have come for war. My mind is full of peace, and she walks by my side. Courage, then, children, and take rest."
With that, he gave them six fathoms89 of tobacco, [Pg 92] reiterated90 his assurances of friendship, promised that he would be a kind father so long as they should be obedient children, regretted that he was forced to speak through an interpreter, and ended with a gift of guns to the men, and prunes91 and raisins92 to their wives and children. Here closed this preliminary meeting, the great council being postponed93 to another day.
During the meeting, Raudin, Frontenac's engineer, was tracing out the lines of a fort, after a predetermined plan; and the whole party, under the direction of their officers, now set themselves to construct it. Some cut down trees, some dug the trenches95, some hewed96 the palisades; and with such order and alacrity97 was the work urged on, that the Indians were lost in astonishment. Meanwhile, Frontenac spared no pains to make friends of the chiefs, some of whom he had constantly at his table. He fondled the Iroquois children, and gave them bread and sweetmeats, and in the evening feasted the squaws to make them dance. The Indians were delighted with these attentions, and conceived a high opinion of the new Onontio.
FRONTENAC AND THE INDIANS.
On the seventeenth, when the construction of the fort was well advanced, Frontenac called the chiefs to a grand council, which was held with all possible state and ceremony. His dealing98 with the Indians on this and other occasions was truly admirable. Unacquainted as he was with them, he seems to have had an instinctive99 perception of the treatment they required. His predecessors100 had never ventured to [Pg 93] address the Iroquois as "Children," but had always styled them "Brothers;" and yet the assumption of paternal101 authority on the part of Frontenac was not only taken in good part, but was received with apparent gratitude102. The martial nature of the man, his clear, decisive speech, and his frank and downright manner, backed as they were by a display of force which in their eyes was formidable, struck them with admiration, and gave tenfold effect to his words of kindness. They thanked him for that which from another they would not have endured.
Frontenac began by again expressing his satisfaction that they had obeyed the commands of their Father, and come to Cataraqui to hear what he had to say. Then he exhorted103 them to embrace Christianity; and on this theme he dwelt at length, in words excellently adapted to produce the desired effect,—words which it would be most superfluous104 to tax as insincere, though doubtless they lost nothing in emphasis because in this instance conscience and policy aimed alike. Then, changing his tone, he pointed105 to his officers, his guard, the long files of the militia, and the two flat-boats, mounted with cannon106, which lay in the river near by. "If," he said, "your Father can come so far, with so great a force, through such dangerous rapids, merely to make you a visit of pleasure and friendship, what would he do, if you should awaken107 his anger, and make it necessary for him to punish his disobedient children? He is the arbiter108 of peace and war. [Pg 94] Beware how you offend him!" And he warned them not to molest109 the Indian allies of the French, telling them, sharply, that he would chastise110 them for the least infraction111 of the peace.
From threats he passed to blandishments, and urged them to confide27 in his paternal kindness, saying that, in proof of his affection, he was building a store-house at Cataraqui, where they could be supplied with all the goods they needed, without the necessity of a long and dangerous journey. He warned them against listening to bad men, who might seek to delude112 them by misrepresentations and falsehoods; and he urged them to give heed113 to none but "men of character, like the Sieur de la Salle." He expressed a hope that they would suffer their children to learn French from the missionaries114, in order that they and his nephews—meaning the French colonists—might become one people; and he concluded by requesting them to give him a number of their children to be educated in the French manner, at Quebec.
TREATY WITH THE INDIANS.
This speech, every clause of which was reinforced by abundant presents, was extremely well received; though one speaker reminded him that he had forgotten one important point, inasmuch as he had not told them at what prices they could obtain goods at Cataraqui. Frontenac evaded115 a precise answer, but promised them that the goods should be as cheap as possible, in view of the great difficulty of transportation. As to the request concerning their children, they said that they could not accede116 to it till they [Pg 95] had talked the matter over in their villages; but it is a striking proof of the influence which Frontenac had gained over them, that, in the following year, they actually sent several of their children to Quebec to be educated,—the girls among the Ursulines, and the boys in the household of the governor.
Three days after the council, the Iroquois set out on their return; and as the palisades of the fort were now finished, and the barracks nearly so, Frontenac began to send his party homeward by detachments. He himself was detained for a time by the arrival of another band of Iroquois, from the villages on the north side of Lake Ontario. He repeated to them the speech he had made to the others; and, this final meeting over, he embarked77 with his guard, leaving a sufficient number to hold the fort, which was to be provisioned for a year by means of a convoy117 then on its way up the river. Passing the rapids safely, he reached Montreal on the first of August.
His enterprise had been a complete success. He had gained every point, and, in spite of the dangerous navigation, had not lost a single canoe. Thanks to the enforced and gratuitous118 assistance of the inhabitants, the whole had cost the King only about ten thousand francs, which Frontenac had advanced on his own credit. Though in a commercial point of view the new establishment was of very questionable119 benefit to the colony at large, the governor had, nevertheless, conferred an inestimable blessing120 on all Canada by the assurance he had gained of a long [Pg 96] respite121 from the fearful scourge122 of Iroquois hostility123. "Assuredly," he writes, "I may boast of having impressed them at once with respect, fear, and good-will."[68] He adds that the fort at Cataraqui, with the aid of a vessel124 now building, will command Lake Ontario, keep the peace with the Iroquois, and cut off the trade with the English; and he proceeds to say that by another fort at the mouth of the Niagara, and another vessel on Lake Erie, we, the French, can command all the Upper Lakes. This plan was an essential link in the schemes of La Salle; and we shall soon find him employed in executing it.
A curious incident occurred soon after the building of the fort on Lake Ontario. Frontenac, on his way back, quarrelled with Perrot, the governor of Montreal, whom, in view of his speculations125 in the fur-trade, he seems to have regarded as a rival in business; but who, by his folly126 and arrogance, would have justified127 any reasonable measure of severity. Frontenac, however, was not reasonable. He arrested Perrot, threw him into prison, and set up a man of his own as governor in his place; and as the judge of Montreal was not in his interest, he removed him, and substituted another on whom he could rely. Thus for a time he had Montreal well in hand.
The priests of the Seminary, seigniors of the island, regarded these arbitrary proceedings128 with extreme uneasiness. They claimed the right of nominating their own governor; and Perrot, though he held a [Pg 97] commission from the King, owed his place to their appointment. True, he had set them at nought129, and proved a veritable King Stork130; yet nevertheless they regarded his removal as an infringement131 of their rights.
During the quarrel with Perrot, La Salle chanced to be at Montreal, lodged132 in the house of Jacques Le Ber, who, though one of the principal merchants and most influential133 inhabitants of the settlement, was accustomed to sell goods across his counter in person to white men and Indians, his wife taking his place when he was absent. Such were the primitive135 manners of the secluded136 little colony. Le Ber, at this time, was in the interest of Frontenac and La Salle; though he afterwards became one of their most determined94 opponents. Amid the excitement and discussion occasioned by Perrot's arrest, La Salle declared himself an adherent137 of the governor, and warned all persons against speaking ill of him in his hearing.
ABBé FéNELON.
The Abbé Fénelon, already mentioned as half-brother to the famous Archbishop, had attempted to mediate138 between Frontenac and Perrot, and to this end had made a journey to Quebec on the ice, in midwinter. Being of an ardent temperament139, and more courageous140 than prudent141, he had spoken somewhat indiscreetly, and had been very roughly treated by the stormy and imperious Count. He returned to Montreal greatly excited, and not without cause. It fell to his lot to preach the Easter sermon. The [Pg 98] service was held in the little church of the H?tel-Dieu, which was crowded to the porch, all the chief persons of the settlement being present. The curé of the parish, whose name also was Perrot, said High Mass, assisted by La Salle's brother, Cavelier, and two other priests. Then Fénelon mounted the pulpit. Certain passages of his sermon were obviously levelled against Frontenac. Speaking of the duties of those clothed with temporal authority, he said that the magistrate142, inspired with the spirit of Christ, was as ready to pardon offences against himself as to punish those against his prince; that he was full of respect for the ministers of the altar, and never maltreated them when they attempted to reconcile enemies and restore peace; that he never made favorites of those who flattered him, nor under specious143 pretexts144 oppressed other persons in authority who opposed his enterprises; that he used his power to serve his king, and not to his own advantage; that he remained content with his salary, without disturbing the commerce of the country, or abusing those who refused him a share in their profits; and that he never troubled the people by inordinate145 and unjust levies146 of men and material, using the name of his prince as a cover to his own designs.[69]
[Pg 99]
LA SALLE AND FéNELON.
La Salle sat near the door; but as the preacher proceeded he suddenly rose to his feet in such a manner as to attract the notice of the congregation. As they turned their heads, he signed to the principal persons among them, and by his angry looks and gesticulation called their attention to the words of Fénelon. Then meeting the eye of the curé, who sat beside the altar, he made the same signs to him, to which the curé replied by a deprecating shrug147 of the shoulders. Fénelon changed color, but continued his sermon.[70]
This indecent proceeding of La Salle, and the zeal148 with which throughout the quarrel he took the part of the governor, did not go unrewarded. Henceforth, Frontenac was more than ever his friend; and this plainly appeared in the disposition149 made, through his influence, of the new fort on Lake Ontario. Attempts had been made to induce the king to have it demolished150; but it was resolved at last that, being built, it should be allowed to stand; and, after long delay, a final arrangement was made for its maintenance, in the manner following: In the autumn of 1674, La Salle went to France, with letters of strong recommendation from Frontenac.[71] He was well [Pg 100] received at Court; and he made two petitions to the King,—the one for a patent of nobility, in consideration of his services as an explorer; and the other for a grant in seigniory of Fort Frontenac, for so he called the new post, in honor of his patron. On his part, he offered to pay back the ten thousand francs which the fort had cost the King; to maintain it at his own charge, with a garrison equal to that of Montreal, besides fifteen or twenty laborers151; to form a French colony around it; to build a church, whenever the number of inhabitants should reach one hundred; and, meanwhile, to support one or more Récollet friars; and, finally, to form a settlement of domesticated152 Indians in the neighborhood. His offers were accepted. He was raised to the rank of the untitled nobles; received a grant of the fort and lands adjacent, to the extent of four leagues in front and half a league in depth, besides the neighboring islands; and was invested with the government of the fort and settlement, subject to the orders of the governor-general.[72]
[Pg 101]
La Salle returned to Canada, proprietor153 of a seigniory which, all things considered, was one of the most valuable in the colony. His friends and his family, rejoicing in his good fortune and not unwilling154 to share it, made him large advances of money, enabling him to pay the stipulated155 sum to the King, to rebuild the fort in stone, maintain soldiers and laborers, and procure156 in part, at least, the necessary outfit157. Had La Salle been a mere29 merchant, he was in a fair way to make a fortune, for he was in a position to control the better part of the Canadian fur-trade. But he was not a mere merchant; and no commercial profit could content his ambition.
Those may believe, who will, that Frontenac did not expect a share in the profits of the new post. That he did expect it, there is positive evidence; for a deposition158 is extant, taken at the instance of his enemy the Intendant Duchesneau, in which three witnesses attest159 that the governor, La Salle, his lieutenant160 La Forest, and one Boisseau, had formed a partnership161 to carry on the trade of Fort Frontenac.
ENEMIES OF LA SALLE.
No sooner was La Salle installed in his new post than the merchants of Canada joined hands to oppose him. Le Ber, once his friend, became his bitter enemy; for he himself had hoped to share the monopoly of Fort Frontenac, of which he and one Bazire had at first been placed provisionally in control, [Pg 102] and from which he now saw himself ejected. La Chesnaye, Le Moyne, and others of more or less influence took part in the league, which, in fact, embraced all the traders in the colony except the few joined with Frontenac and La Salle. Duchesneau, intendant of the colony, aided the malcontents. As time went on, their bitterness grew more bitter; and when at last it was seen that, not satisfied with the monopoly of Fort Frontenac, La Salle aimed at the control of the valleys of the Ohio and the Mississippi, and the usufruct of half a continent, the ire of his opponents redoubled, and Canada became for him a nest of hornets, buzzing in wrath162 and watching the moment to sting. But there was another element of opposition163, less noisy, but not less formidable; and this arose from the Jesuits. Frontenac hated them; and they, under befitting forms of duty and courtesy, paid him back in the same coin. Having no love for the governor, they would naturally have little for his partisan164 and protégé; but their opposition had another and a deeper root, for the plans of the daring young schemer jarred with their own.
PURPOSES OF THE JESUITS.
We have seen the Canadian Jesuits in the early apostolic days of their mission, when the flame of their zeal, fed by an ardent hope, burned bright and high. This hope was doomed165 to disappointment. Their avowed166 purpose of building another Paraguay on the borders of the Great Lakes[73] was never accomplished167, [Pg 103] and their missions and their converts were swept away in an avalanche168 of ruin. Still, they would not despair. From the lakes they turned their eyes to the Valley of the Mississippi, in the hope to see it one day the seat of their new empire of the Faith. But what did this new Paraguay mean? It meant a little nation of converted and domesticated savages, docile169 as children, under the paternal and absolute rule of Jesuit fathers, and trained by them in industrial pursuits, the results of which were to inure170, not to the profit of the producers, but to the building of churches, the founding of colleges, the establishment of warehouses171 and magazines, and the construction of works of defence,—all controlled by Jesuits, and forming a part of the vast possessions of the Order. Such was the old Paraguay;[74] and such, we may suppose, would have been the new, had the plans of those who designed it been realized.
I have said that since the middle of the century the religious exaltation of the early missions had sensibly declined. In the nature of things, that grand enthusiasm was too intense and fervent172 to be long sustained. But the vital force of Jesuitism had suffered no diminution173. That marvellous esprit de corps174, that extinction175 of self and absorption of the individual in the Order which has marked the Jesuits from their first existence as a body, was no whit134 changed or lessened,—a principle, which, though [Pg 104] different, was no less strong than the self-devoted patriotism176 of Sparta or the early Roman Republic.
The Jesuits were no longer supreme177 in Canada; or, in other words, Canada was no longer simply a mission. It had become a colony. Temporal interests and the civil power were constantly gaining ground; and the disciples178 of Loyola felt that relatively179, if not absolutely, they were losing it. They struggled vigorously to maintain the ascendency of their Order, or, as they would have expressed it, the ascendency of religion; but in the older and more settled parts of the colony it was clear that the day of their undivided rule was past. Therefore, they looked with redoubled solicitude180 to their missions in the West. They had been among its first explorers; and they hoped that here the Catholic Faith, as represented by Jesuits, might reign181 with undisputed sway. In Paraguay, it was their constant aim to exclude white men from their missions. It was the same in North America. They dreaded182 fur-traders, partly because they interfered183 with their teachings and perverted184 their converts, and partly for other reasons. But La Salle was a fur-trader, and far worse than a fur-trader: he aimed at occupation, fortification, and settlement. The scope and vigor37 of his enterprises, and the powerful influence that aided them, made him a stumbling-block in their path. He was their most dangerous rival for the control of the West, and from first to last they set themselves against him.
[Pg 105]
SPIRIT OF LA SALLE.
What manner of man was he who could conceive designs so vast and defy enmities so many and so powerful? And in what spirit did he embrace these designs? We will look hereafter for an answer.
FOOTNOTES:
[67] Lettre de Frontenac à Colbert, 13 Nov., 1673. This rumor, it appears, originated with the Jesuit Dablon. Journal du Voyage du Comte de Frontenac au lac Ontario. The Jesuits were greatly opposed to the establishment of forts and trading-posts in the upper country, for reasons that will appear hereafter.
[68] Lettre de Frontenac au Ministre, 13 Nov., 1673.
[69] Faillon, Colonie Fran?aise, iii. 497, and manuscript authorities there cited. I have examined the principal of these. Faillon himself is a priest of St. Sulpice. Compare H. Verreau, Les Deux Abbés de Fénelon, chap. vii.
[70] Information faicte par25 nous, Charles le Tardieu, Sieur de Tilly, et Nicolas Dupont, etc., etc., contre le Sr. Abbé de Fénelon. Tilly and Dupont were sent by Frontenac to inquire into the affair. Among the deponents is La Salle himself.
[71] In his despatch39 to the minister Colbert, of the fourteenth of November, 1674, Frontenac speaks of La Salle as follows: "I cannot help, Monseigneur, recommending to you the Sieur de la Salle, who is about to go to France, and who is a man of intelligence and ability, more capable than anybody else I know here to accomplish every kind of enterprise and discovery which may be intrusted to him, as he has the most perfect knowledge of the state of the country, as you will see, if you are disposed to give him a few moments of audience."
[72] Mémoire pour l'entretien du Fort Frontenac, par le Sr. de la Salle, 1674. Petition du Sr. de la Salle au Roi. Lettres patentes de concession185, du Fort de Frontenac et terres adjacentes au profit du Sr. de la Salle; données à Compiègne le 13 Mai, 1675. Arrêt qui accepte les offres faites par Robert Cavelier Sr. de la Salle; à Compiègne le 13 Mai, 1675. Lettres de noblesse pour le Sr. Cavelier de la Salle; données à Compiègne le 13 Mai, 1675. Papiers de Famille. Mémoire au Roi.
[73] This purpose is several times indicated in the Relations. For an instance, see "The Jesuits in North America," 245.
[74] Compare Charlevoix, Histoire de Paraguay, with Robertson, Letters on Paraguay.
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| adj.惊人的，奇妙的；异常的；巨大的；庞大的 | |
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3
evoked
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| [医]诱发的 | |
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4
perplexed
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| adj.不知所措的 | |
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5
ridiculed
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| v.嘲笑，嘲弄，奚落( ridicule的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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6
maligned
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| vt.污蔑，诽谤（malign的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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7
boundless
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| adj.无限的；无边无际的；巨大的 | |
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8
domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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9
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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11
gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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12
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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13
outlet
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| n.出口/路；销路；批发商店；通风口；发泄 | |
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14
buffalo
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| n.(北美)野牛；(亚洲)水牛 | |
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15
staple
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| n.主要产物，常用品，主要要素，原料，订书钉，钩环；adj.主要的，重要的；vt.分类 | |
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16
likeness
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| n.相像，相似（之处） | |
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17
ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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18
fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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19
lavish
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| adj.无节制的；浪费的；vt.慷慨地给予，挥霍 | |
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20
predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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21
expediency
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| n.适宜；方便；合算；利己 | |
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22
intercept
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| vt.拦截，截住，截击 | |
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23
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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24
concurrence
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| n.同意；并发 | |
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25
par
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| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
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26
accomplishment
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| n.完成，成就，（pl.）造诣，技能 | |
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27
confide
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| v.向某人吐露秘密 | |
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28
expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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29
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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30
spire
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| n.(教堂)尖顶，尖塔，高点 | |
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31
munitions
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| n.军火，弹药；v.供应…军需品 | |
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32
countermanded
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| v.取消（命令），撤回( countermand的过去分词 ) | |
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33
hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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34
exertion
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| n.尽力，努力 | |
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35
requisite
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| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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36
murmurs
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| n.低沉、连续而不清的声音( murmur的名词复数 )；低语声；怨言；嘀咕 | |
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37
vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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38
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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39
despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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40
rendezvous
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| n.约会，约会地点，汇合点；vi.汇合，集合；vt.使汇合，使在汇合地点相遇 | |
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41
homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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42
salon
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| n.[法]沙龙；客厅；营业性的高级服务室 | |
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43
dwellings
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| n.住处，处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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44
savored
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| v.意味，带有…的性质( savor的过去式和过去分词 )；给…加调味品；使有风味；品尝 | |
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45
simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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46
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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47
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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48
salute
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| vi.行礼，致意，问候，放礼炮；vt.向…致意，迎接，赞扬；n.招呼，敬礼，礼炮 | |
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49
harangue
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| n.慷慨冗长的训话，言辞激烈的讲话 | |
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50
oratory
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| n.演讲术；词藻华丽的言辞 | |
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51
militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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52
soothing
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| adj.慰藉的；使人宽心的；镇静的 | |
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53
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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54
jealousies
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| n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 )；妒羡 | |
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55
knotty
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| adj.有结的，多节的，多瘤的，棘手的 | |
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56
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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57
rumor
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| n.谣言，谣传，传说 | |
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58
splendor
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| n.光彩；壮丽，华丽；显赫，辉煌 | |
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59
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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60
faculty
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| n.才能；学院，系；(学院或系的)全体教学人员 | |
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61
incisive
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| adj.敏锐的，机敏的，锋利的，切入的 | |
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62
liking
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| n.爱好；嗜好；喜欢 | |
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63
torrents
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| n.倾注；奔流( torrent的名词复数 )；急流；爆发；连续不断 | |
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64
drenched
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| adj.湿透的；充满的v.使湿透( drench的过去式和过去分词 )；在某人（某物）上大量使用（某液体） | |
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65
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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66
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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67
glided
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| v.滑动( glide的过去式和过去分词 )；掠过；（鸟或飞机 ） 滑翔 | |
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68
watery
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| adj.有水的，水汪汪的；湿的，湿润的 | |
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69
labyrinths
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| 迷宫( labyrinth的名词复数 )； （文字，建筑）错综复杂的 | |
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70
lichens
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| n.地衣( lichen的名词复数 ) | |
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71
parching
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| adj.烘烤似的，焦干似的v.（使）焦干， （使）干透( parch的现在分词 )；使（某人）极口渴 | |
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72
mosses
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| n. 藓类, 苔藓植物 名词moss的复数形式 | |
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73
coves
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| n.小海湾( cove的名词复数 )；家伙 | |
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74
glistening
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| adj.闪耀的，反光的v.湿物闪耀，闪亮( glisten的现在分词 ) | |
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75
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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76
stranded
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| a.搁浅的，进退两难的 | |
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77
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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78
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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79
martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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80
regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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81
astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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82
squatted
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| v.像动物一样蹲下( squat的过去式和过去分词 )；非法擅自占用（土地或房屋）；为获得其所有权；而占用某片公共用地。 | |
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83
contemplate
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| vt.盘算，计议；周密考虑；注视，凝视 | |
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84
adversaries
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| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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85
mettle
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| n.勇气，精神 | |
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86
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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87
deference
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| n.尊重，顺从；敬意 | |
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88
arrogance
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| n.傲慢，自大 | |
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89
fathoms
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| 英寻( fathom的名词复数 ) | |
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90
reiterated
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| 反复地说，重申( reiterate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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91
prunes
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| n.西梅脯，西梅干( prune的名词复数 )v.修剪（树木等）( prune的第三人称单数 )；精简某事物，除去某事物多余的部分 | |
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92
raisins
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| n.葡萄干( raisin的名词复数 ) | |
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93
postponed
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| vt.& vi.延期，缓办，（使）延迟vt.把…放在次要地位；[语]把…放在后面（或句尾）vi.（疟疾等）延缓发作（或复发） | |
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94
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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95
trenches
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| 深沟，地沟( trench的名词复数 )； 战壕 | |
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96
hewed
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| v.（用斧、刀等）砍、劈( hew的过去式和过去分词 )；砍成；劈出；开辟 | |
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97
alacrity
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| n.敏捷，轻快，乐意 | |
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98
dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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99
instinctive
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| adj.(出于)本能的；直觉的；(出于)天性的 | |
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100
predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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101
paternal
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| adj.父亲的，像父亲的，父系的，父方的 | |
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102
gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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103
exhorted
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| v.劝告，劝说( exhort的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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104
superfluous
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| adj.过多的，过剩的，多余的 | |
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105
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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106
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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107
awaken
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| vi.醒，觉醒；vt.唤醒，使觉醒，唤起，激起 | |
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108
arbiter
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| n.仲裁人，公断人 | |
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109
molest
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| vt.骚扰，干扰，调戏 | |
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110
chastise
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| vt.责骂，严惩 | |
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111
infraction
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| n.违反；违法 | |
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112
delude
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| vt.欺骗；哄骗 | |
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113
heed
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| v.注意，留意；n.注意，留心 | |
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114
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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115
evaded
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| 逃避( evade的过去式和过去分词 )； 避开； 回避； 想不出 | |
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116
accede
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| v.应允，同意 | |
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117
convoy
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| vt.护送，护卫，护航；n.护送；护送队 | |
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118
gratuitous
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| adj.无偿的，免费的；无缘无故的，不必要的 | |
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119
questionable
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| adj.可疑的，有问题的 | |
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120
blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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121
respite
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| n.休息，中止，暂缓 | |
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122
scourge
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| n.灾难，祸害；v.蹂躏 | |
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123
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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124
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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125
speculations
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| n.投机买卖( speculation的名词复数 )；思考；投机活动；推断 | |
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126
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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127
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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128
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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129
nought
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| n.／adj.无，零 | |
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stork
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| n.鹳 | |
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131
infringement
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| n.违反；侵权 | |
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132
lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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whit
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| n.一点，丝毫 | |
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primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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secluded
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| adj.与世隔绝的；隐退的；偏僻的v.使隔开，使隐退( seclude的过去式和过去分词) | |
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adherent
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| n.信徒，追随者，拥护者 | |
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mediate
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| vi.调解，斡旋；vt.经调解解决；经斡旋促成 | |
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temperament
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| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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courageous
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| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
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prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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specious
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| adj.似是而非的；adv.似是而非地 | |
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pretexts
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| n.借口，托辞( pretext的名词复数 ) | |
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inordinate
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| adj.无节制的；过度的 | |
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levies
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| （部队）征兵( levy的名词复数 )； 募捐； 被征募的军队 | |
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shrug
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| v.耸肩(表示怀疑、冷漠、不知等) | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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demolished
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| v.摧毁( demolish的过去式和过去分词 )；推翻；拆毁（尤指大建筑物）；吃光 | |
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laborers
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| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
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domesticated
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| adj.喜欢家庭生活的；（指动物）被驯养了的v.驯化( domesticate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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proprietor
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| n.所有人；业主；经营者 | |
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unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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stipulated
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| vt.& vi.规定；约定adj.[法]合同规定的 | |
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procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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outfit
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| n.（为特殊用途的）全套装备，全套服装 | |
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deposition
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| n.免职，罢官；作证；沉淀；沉淀物 | |
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attest
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| vt.证明，证实；表明 | |
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lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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partnership
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| n.合作关系，伙伴关系 | |
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wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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partisan
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| adj.党派性的；游击队的；n.游击队员；党徒 | |
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doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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avalanche
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| n.雪崩，大量涌来 | |
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docile
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| adj.驯服的，易控制的，容易教的 | |
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inure
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| v.使惯于 | |
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warehouses
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| 仓库，货栈( warehouse的名词复数 ) | |
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fervent
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| adj.热的，热烈的，热情的 | |
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diminution
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| n.减少；变小 | |
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corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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extinction
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| n.熄灭，消亡，消灭，灭绝，绝种 | |
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patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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disciples
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| n.信徒( disciple的名词复数 )；门徒；耶稣的信徒；（尤指）耶稣十二门徒之一 | |
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relatively
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| adv.比较...地，相对地 | |
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solicitude
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| n.焦虑 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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183
interfered
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| v.干预( interfere的过去式和过去分词 )；调停；妨碍；干涉 | |
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184
perverted
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| adj.不正当的v.滥用( pervert的过去式和过去分词 )；腐蚀；败坏；使堕落 | |
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185
concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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