Frontenac at Quebec.
Arrival ? Bright Prospects1 ? The Three Estates of New France ? Speech of the Governor ? His Innovations ? Royal Displeasure ? Signs of Storm ? Frontenac and the Priests ? His Attempts to civilize2 the Indians ? Opposition3 ? Complaints and Heart-burnings.
Frontenac was fifty-two years old when he landed at Quebec. If time had done little to cure his many faults, it had done nothing to weaken the springs of his unconquerable vitality4. In his ripe middle age, he was as keen, fiery5, and perversely6 headstrong as when he quarrelled with Préfontaine in the hall at St. Fargeau.
Had nature disposed him to melancholy7, there was much in his position to awaken8 it. A man of courts and camps, born and bred in the focus of a most gorgeous civilization, he was banished9 to the ends of the earth, among savage10 hordes11 and half-reclaimed forests, to exchange the splendors12 of St. Germain and the dawning glories of Versailles for a stern gray rock, haunted by sombre priests, rugged14 merchants and traders, blanketed Indians, and wild bush-rangers. But Frontenac was a man of action. He wasted no time in vain regrets, and 15 set himself to his work with the elastic15 vigor16 of youth. His first impressions had been very favorable. When, as he sailed up the St. Lawrence, the basin of Quebec opened before him, his imagination kindled17 with the grandeur18 of the scene. "I never," he wrote, "saw any thing more superb than the position of this town. It could not be better situated19 as the future capital of a great empire." [1]
[1] Frontenac au Ministre, 2 Nov., 1672.
That Quebec was to become the capital of a great empire there seemed in truth good reason to believe. The young king and his minister Colbert had labored20 in earnest to build up a new France in the west. For years past, ship-loads of emigrants21 had landed every summer on the strand22 beneath the rock. All was life and action, and the air was full of promise. The royal agent Talon23 had written to his master: "This part of the French monarchy25 is destined26 to a grand future. All that I see around me points to it; and the colonies of foreign nations, so long settled on the seaboard, are trembling with fright in view of what his Majesty27 has accomplished28 here within the last seven years. The measures we have taken to confine them within narrow limits, and the prior claim we have established against them by formal acts of possession, do not permit them to extend themselves except at peril29 of having war declared against them as usurpers; and this, in fact, is what they seem greatly to fear." [2]
[2] Talon au Ministre, 2 Nov., 1671.
16 Frontenac shared the spirit of the hour. His first step was to survey his government. He talked with traders, colonists30, and officials; visited seigniories, farms, fishing-stations, and all the infant industries that Talon had galvanized into life; examined the new ship on the stocks, admired the structure of the new brewery31, went to Three Rivers to see the iron mines, and then, having acquired a tolerably exact idea of his charge, returned to Quebec. He was well pleased with what he saw, but not with the ways and means of Canadian travel; for he thought it strangely unbecoming that a lieutenant-general of the king should be forced to crouch32 on a sheet of bark, at the bottom of a birch canoe, scarcely daring to move his head to the right or left lest he should disturb the balance of the fragile vessel33.
At Quebec he convoked34 the council, made them a speech, and administered the oath of allegiance. [3] This did not satisfy him. He resolved that all Quebec should take the oath together. It was little but a pretext36. Like many of his station, Frontenac was not in full sympathy with the centralizing movement of the time, which tended to level ancient rights, privileges, and prescriptions38 under the ponderous39 roller of the monarchical40 administration. He looked back with regret to the day when the three orders of the state, clergy41, nobles, and commons, had a place and a power in the direction of national affairs. The three orders still subsisted42, in form, if not in substance, in some of 17 the provinces of France; and Frontenac conceived the idea of reproducing them in Canada. Not only did he cherish the tradition of faded liberties, but he loved pomp and circumstance, above all, when he was himself the central figure in it; and the thought of a royal governor of Languedoc or Brittany, presiding over the estates of his province, appears to have fired him with emulation44.
[3] Registre du Conseil Souverain.
He had no difficulty in forming his order of the clergy. The Jesuits and the seminary priests supplied material even more abundant than he wished. For the order of the nobles, he found three or four gentilshommes at Quebec, and these he reinforced with a number of officers. The third estate consisted of the merchants and citizens; and he formed the members of the council and the magistrates45 into another distinct body, though, properly speaking, they belonged to the third estate, of which by nature and prescription37 they were the head. The Jesuits, glad no doubt to lay him under some slight obligation, lent him their church for the ceremony that he meditated46, and aided in decorating it for the occasion. Here, on the twenty-third of October, 1672, the three estates of Canada were convoked, with as much pomp and splendor13 as circumstances would permit. Then Frontenac, with the ease of a man of the world and the loftiness of a grand seigneur, delivered himself of the harangue47 he had prepared. He wrote exceedingly well; he is said also to have excelled as an orator48; certainly he was never averse49 to the tones of his own eloquence50. His 18 speech was addressed to a double audience: the throng51 that filled the church, and the king and the minister three thousand miles away. He told his hearers that he had called the assembly, not because he doubted their loyalty52, but in order to afford them the delight of making public protestation of devotion to a prince, the terror of whose irresistible53 arms was matched only by the charms of his person and the benignity54 of his rule. "The Holy Scriptures," he said, "command us to obey our sovereign, and teach us that no pretext or reason can dispense55 us from this obedience56." And, in a glowing eulogy57 on Louis XIV., he went on to show that obedience to him was not only a duty, but an inestimable privilege. He dwelt with admiration58 on the recent victories in Holland, and held forth59 the hope that a speedy and glorious peace would leave his Majesty free to turn his thoughts to the colony which already owed so much to his fostering care. "The true means," pursued Frontenac, "of gaining his favor and his support, is for us to unite with one heart in laboring60 for the progress of Canada." Then he addressed, in turn, the clergy, the nobles, the magistrates, and the citizens. He exhorted61 the priests to continue with zeal62 their labors63 for the conversion64 of the Indians, and to make them subjects not only of Christ, but also of the king; in short, to tame and civilize them, a portion of their duties in which he plainly gave them to understand that they had not hitherto acquitted65 themselves to his satisfaction. Next, he appealed to the nobles, commended 19 their gallantry, and called upon them to be as assiduous in the culture and improvement of the colony as they were valiant66 in its defence. The magistrates, the merchants, and the colonists in general were each addressed in an appropriate exhortation67. "I can assure you, messieurs," he concluded, "that if you faithfully discharge your several duties, each in his station, his Majesty will extend to us all the help and all the favor that we can desire. It is needless, then, to urge you to act as I have counselled, since it is for your own interest to do so. As for me, it only remains68 to protest before you that I shall esteem69 myself happy in consecrating70 all my efforts, and, if need be, my life itself, to extending the empire of Jesus Christ throughout all this land, and the supremacy71 of our king over all the nations that dwell in it."
He administered the oath, and the assembly dissolved. He now applied72 himself to another work: that of giving a municipal government to Quebec, after the model of some of the cities of France. In place of the syndic, an official supposed to represent the interests of the citizens, he ordered the public election of three aldermen, of whom the senior should act as mayor. One of the number was to go out of office every year, his place being filled by a new election; and the governor, as representing the king, reserved the right of confirmation73 or rejection74. He then, in concert with the chief inhabitants, proceeded to frame a body of regulations for the government of a town destined, as he again and again declares, to become the capital 20 of a mighty75 empire; and he farther ordained76 that the people should hold a meeting every six months to discuss questions involving the welfare of the colony. The boldness of these measures will scarcely be appreciated at the present day. The intendant Talon declined, on pretence77 of a slight illness, to be present at the meeting of the estates. He knew too well the temper of the king, whose constant policy it was to destroy or paralyze every institution or custom that stood in the way of his autocracy78. The despatches in which Frontenac announced to his masters what he had done received in due time their answer. The minister Colbert wrote: "Your assembling of the inhabitants to take the oath of fidelity80, and your division of them into three estates, may have had a good effect for the moment; but it is well for you to observe that you are always to follow, in the government of Canada, the forms in use here; and since our kings have long regarded it as good for their service not to convoke35 the states-general of the kingdom, in order, perhaps, to abolish insensibly this ancient usage, you, on your part, should very rarely, or, to speak more correctly, never, give a corporate81 form to the inhabitants of Canada. You should even, as the colony strengthens, suppress gradually the office of the syndic, who presents petitions in the name of the inhabitants; for it is well that each should speak for himself, and no one for all." [4]
[4] Frontenac au Roi, 2 Nov., 1672; Ibid., 13 Nov., 1673; Harangue du Comte de Frontenac en l'Assemblée à Quebec; Prestations de Serment, 23 Oct., 1672; Réglement de Police fait par24 Monsieur le Comte de Frontenac; Colbert à Frontenac, 13 Juin, 1673.
21 Here, in brief, is the whole spirit of the French colonial rule in Canada; a government, as I have elsewhere shown, of excellent intentions, but of arbitrary methods. Frontenac, filled with the traditions of the past, and sincerely desirous of the good of the colony, rashly set himself against the prevailing82 current. His municipal government, and his meetings of citizens, were, like his three estates, abolished by a word from the court, which, bold and obstinate83 as he was, he dared not disobey. Had they been allowed to subsist43, there can be little doubt that great good would have resulted to Canada.
Frontenac has been called a mere84 soldier. He was an excellent soldier, and more besides. He was a man of vigorous and cultivated mind, penetrating85 observation, and ample travel and experience. His zeal for the colony, however, was often counteracted86 by the violence of his prejudices, and by two other influences. First, he was a ruined man, who meant to mend his fortunes; and his wish that Canada should prosper87 was joined with a determination to reap a goodly part of her prosperity for himself. Again, he could not endure a rival; opposition maddened him, and, when crossed or thwarted88, he forgot every thing but his passion. Signs of storm quickly showed themselves between him and the intendant Talon; but the danger was averted89 by the departure of that official for France. A cloud then rose in the direction of the clergy.
"Another thing displeases90 me," writes Frontenac, 22 "and this is the complete dependence92 of the grand vicar and the seminary priests on the Jesuits, for they never do the least thing without their order: so that they (the Jesuits) are masters in spiritual matters, which, as you know, is a powerful lever for moving every thing else." [5] And he complains that they have spies in town and country, that they abuse the confessional, intermeddle in families, set husbands against wives, and parents against children, and all, as they say, for the greater glory of God. "I call to mind every day, Monseigneur, what you did me the honor to say to me when I took leave of you, and every day I am satisfied more and more of the great importance to the king's service of opposing the slightest of the attempts which are daily made against his authority." He goes on to denounce a certain sermon, preached by a Jesuit, to the great scandal of loyal subjects, wherein the father declared that the king had exceeded his powers in licensing93 the trade in brandy when the bishop94 had decided95 it to be a sin, together with other remarks of a seditious nature. "I was tempted96 several times," pursues Frontenac, "to leave the church with my guards and interrupt the sermon; but I contented97 myself with telling the grand vicar and the superior of the Jesuits, after it was over, that I was very much surprised at what I had heard, and demanded justice at their hands. They greatly blamed the preacher, and disavowed him, attributing his language, after their custom, to an excess of zeal, and 23 making many apologies, with which I pretended to be satisfied; though I told them, nevertheless, that their excuses would not pass current with me another time, and, if the thing happened again, I would put the preacher in a place where he would learn how to speak. Since then they have been a little more careful, though not enough to prevent one from always seeing their intention to persuade the people that, even in secular98 matters, their authority ought to be respected above any other. As there are many persons here who have no more brains than they need, and who are attached to them by ties of interest or otherwise, it is necessary to have an eye to these matters in this country more than anywhere else." [6]
[5] Frontenac au Ministre, 2 Nov., 1672.
[6] Frontenac au Ministre, 13 Nov., 1673.
The churchmen, on their part, were not idle. The bishop, who was then in France, contrived99 by some means to acquaint himself with the contents of the private despatches sent by Colbert in reply to the letters of Frontenac. He wrote to another ecclesiastic100 to communicate what he had learned, at the same time enjoining101 great caution; "since, while it is well to acquire all necessary information, and to act upon it, it is of the greatest importance to keep secret our possession of such knowledge." [7]
[7] Laval à———, 1674. The letter is a complete summary of the contents of Colbert's recent despatch79 to Frontenac. Then follows the injunction to secrecy102, "estant de très-grande conséquence que l'on ne sache pas que l'on aye rien appris de tout103 cela, sur quoi néanmoins il est bon que l'on agisse et que l'on me donne tous les advis qui seront nécessaires."
The king and the minister, in their instructions to Frontenac, had dwelt with great emphasis on 24 the expediency104 of civilizing105 the Indians, teaching them the French language, and amalgamating106 them with the colonists. Frontenac, ignorant as yet of Indian nature and unacquainted with the difficulties of the case, entered into these views with great heartiness107. He exercised from the first an extraordinary influence over all the Indians with whom he came in contact; and he persuaded the most savage and refractory108 of them, the Iroquois, to place eight of their children in his hands. Four of these were girls and four were boys. He took two of the boys into his own household, of which they must have proved most objectionable inmates109; and he supported the other two, who were younger, out of his own slender resources, placed them in respectable French families, and required them to go daily to school. The girls were given to the charge of the Ursulines. Frontenac continually urged the Jesuits to co-operate with him in this work of civilization, but the results of his urgency disappointed and exasperated110 him. He complains that in the village of the Hurons, near Quebec, and under the control of the Jesuits, the French language was scarcely known. In fact, the fathers contented themselves with teaching their converts the doctrines111 and rites91 of the Roman Church, while retaining the food, dress, and habits of their original barbarism.
In defence of the missionaries112, it should be said that, when brought in contact with the French, the Indians usually caught the vices113 of civilization without its virtues114; but Frontenac made no allowances. 25 "The Jesuits," he writes, "will not civilize the Indians, because they wish to keep them in perpetual wardship115. They think more of beaver116 skins than of souls, and their missions are pure mockeries." At the same time he assures the minister that, when he is obliged to correct them, he does so with the utmost gentleness. In spite of this somewhat doubtful urbanity, it seems clear that a storm was brewing117; and it was fortunate for the peace of the Canadian Church that the attention of the truculent118 governor was drawn119 to other quarters.
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prospects
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| n.希望，前途(恒为复数) | |
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civilize
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| vt.使文明，使开化 (=civilise) | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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vitality
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| n.活力，生命力，效力 | |
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fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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perversely
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| adv. 倔强地 | |
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melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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awaken
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| vi.醒，觉醒；vt.唤醒，使觉醒，唤起，激起 | |
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banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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hordes
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| n.移动着的一大群( horde的名词复数 )；部落 | |
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splendors
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| n.华丽( splendor的名词复数 )；壮丽；光辉；显赫 | |
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splendor
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| n.光彩；壮丽，华丽；显赫，辉煌 | |
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rugged
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| adj.高低不平的，粗糙的，粗壮的，强健的 | |
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elastic
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| n.橡皮圈，松紧带；adj.有弹性的；灵活的 | |
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vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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labored
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| adj.吃力的，谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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emigrants
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| n.（从本国移往他国的）移民( emigrant的名词复数 ) | |
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strand
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| vt.使（船）搁浅，使（某人）困于（某地） | |
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talon
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| n.爪；（如爪般的）手指；爪状物 | |
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par
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| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
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monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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brewery
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| n.啤酒厂 | |
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crouch
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| v.蹲伏，蜷缩，低头弯腰；n.蹲伏 | |
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vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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convoked
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| v.召集，召开（会议）( convoke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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convoke
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| v.召集会议 | |
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pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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prescription
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| n.处方，开药；指示，规定 | |
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prescriptions
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| 药( prescription的名词复数 )； 处方； 开处方； 计划 | |
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ponderous
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| adj.沉重的，笨重的，(文章)冗长的 | |
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monarchical
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| adj. 国王的，帝王的，君主的，拥护君主制的 =monarchic | |
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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subsisted
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| v.（靠很少的钱或食物）维持生活，生存下去( subsist的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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subsist
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| vi.生存，存在，供养 | |
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emulation
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| n.竞争；仿效 | |
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magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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meditated
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| 深思，沉思，冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 )； 内心策划，考虑 | |
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harangue
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| n.慷慨冗长的训话，言辞激烈的讲话 | |
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orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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averse
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| adj.厌恶的；反对的，不乐意的 | |
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eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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throng
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| n.人群，群众；v.拥挤，群集 | |
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loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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benignity
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| n.仁慈 | |
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dispense
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| vt.分配，分发；配(药)，发(药)；实施 | |
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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eulogy
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| n.颂词；颂扬 | |
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admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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laboring
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| n.劳动，操劳v.努力争取(for)( labor的现在分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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exhorted
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| v.劝告，劝说( exhort的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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65
acquitted
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| 宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 )； 使（自己）作出某种表现 | |
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valiant
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| adj.勇敢的，英勇的；n.勇士，勇敢的人 | |
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exhortation
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| n.劝告，规劝 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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consecrating
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| v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的现在分词 )；奉献 | |
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71
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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72
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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confirmation
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| n.证实，确认，批准 | |
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rejection
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| n.拒绝，被拒，抛弃，被弃 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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ordained
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| v.任命（某人）为牧师( ordain的过去式和过去分词 )；授予（某人）圣职；（上帝、法律等）命令；判定 | |
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pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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autocracy
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| n.独裁政治，独裁政府 | |
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79
despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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corporate
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| adj.共同的，全体的；公司的，企业的 | |
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prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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85
penetrating
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| adj.（声音）响亮的，尖锐的adj.（气味）刺激的adj.（思想）敏锐的，有洞察力的 | |
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86
counteracted
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| 对抗，抵消( counteract的过去式 ) | |
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87
prosper
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| v.成功，兴隆，昌盛；使成功，使昌隆，繁荣 | |
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thwarted
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| 阻挠( thwart的过去式和过去分词 )； 使受挫折； 挫败； 横过 | |
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averted
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| 防止，避免( avert的过去式和过去分词 )； 转移 | |
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displeases
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| 冒犯，使生气，使不愉快( displease的第三人称单数 ) | |
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rites
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| 仪式，典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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licensing
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| v.批准，许可，颁发执照( license的现在分词 ) | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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tempted
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| v.怂恿（某人）干不正当的事；冒…的险（tempt的过去分词） | |
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contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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100
ecclesiastic
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| n.教士，基督教会；adj.神职者的，牧师的，教会的 | |
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101
enjoining
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| v.命令( enjoin的现在分词 ) | |
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102
secrecy
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| n.秘密，保密，隐蔽 | |
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103
tout
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| v.推销，招徕；兜售；吹捧，劝诱 | |
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104
expediency
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| n.适宜；方便；合算；利己 | |
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105
civilizing
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| v.使文明，使开化( civilize的现在分词 ) | |
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106
amalgamating
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| v.（使）（金属）汞齐化( amalgamate的现在分词 )；（使）合并；联合；结合 | |
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107
heartiness
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| 诚实，热心 | |
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108
refractory
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| adj.倔强的，难驾驭的 | |
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109
inmates
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| n.囚犯( inmate的名词复数 ) | |
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110
exasperated
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| adj.恼怒的 | |
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111
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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112
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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113
vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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114
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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115
wardship
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| 监护，保护 | |
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116
beaver
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| n.海狸，河狸 | |
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117
brewing
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| n. 酿造, 一次酿造的量 动词brew的现在分词形式 | |
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118
truculent
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| adj.野蛮的，粗野的 | |
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119
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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