Frontenac and Perrot.
La Salle ? Fort Frontenac ? Perrot ? His Speculations1 ? His Tyranny ? The Bush-rangers ? Perrot revolts ? Becomes alarmed ? Dilemma2 of Frontenac ? Mediation3 of Fénelon ? Perrot in Prison ? Excitement of the Sulpitians ? Indignation of Fénelon ? Passion of Frontenac ? Perrot on Trial ? Strange Scenes ? Appeal to the King ? Answers of Louis XIV. and Colbert ? Fénelon rebuked4.
Not long before Frontenac's arrival, Courcelle, his predecessor6, went to Lake Ontario with an armed force, in order to impose respect on the Iroquois, who had of late become insolent7. As a means of keeping them in check, and at the same time controlling the fur trade of the upper country, he had recommended, like Talon8 before him, the building of a fort near the outlet9 of the lake. Frontenac at once saw the advantages of such a measure, and his desire to execute it was stimulated10 by the reflection that the proposed fort might be made not only a safeguard to the colony, but also a source of profit to himself.
At Quebec, there was a grave, thoughtful, self-contained young man, who soon found his way into Frontenac's confidence. There was between them the sympathetic attraction of two bold and 27 energetic spirits; and though Cavelier de la Salle had neither the irritable11 vanity of the count, nor his Gallic vivacity12 of passion, he had in full measure the same unconquerable pride and hardy13 resolution. There were but two or three men in Canada who knew the western wilderness14 so well. He was full of schemes of ambition and of gain; and, from this moment, he and Frontenac seem to have formed an alliance, which ended only with the governor's recall.
In telling the story of La Salle, I have described the execution of the new plan: the muster15 of the Canadians, at the call of Frontenac; the consternation16 of those of the merchants whom he and La Salle had not taken into their counsels, and who saw in the movement the preparation for a gigantic fur trading monopoly; the intrigues19 set on foot to bar the enterprise; the advance up the St. Lawrence; the assembly of Iroquois at the destined20 spot; the ascendency exercised over them by the governor; the building of Fort Frontenac on the ground where Kingston now stands, and its final transfer into the hands of La Salle, on condition, there can be no doubt, of sharing the expected profits with his patron. [1]
[1] Discovery of the Great West, chap. vi.
On the way to the lake, Frontenac stopped for some time at Montreal, where he had full opportunity to become acquainted with a state of things to which his attention had already been directed. This state of things was as follows:—
When the intendant, Talon, came for the second 28 time to Canada, in 1669, an officer named Perrot, who had married his niece, came with him. Perrot, anxious to turn to account the influence of his wife's relative, looked about him for some post of honor and profit, and quickly discovered that the government of Montreal was vacant. The priests of St. Sulpice, feudal21 owners of the place, had the right of appointing their own governor. Talon advised them to choose Perrot, who thereupon received the desired commission, which, however, was revocable at the will of those who had granted it. The new governor, therefore, begged another commission from the king, and after a little delay he obtained it. Thus he became, in some measure, independent of the priests, who, if they wished to rid themselves of him, must first gain the royal consent.
Perrot, as he had doubtless foreseen, found himself in an excellent position for making money. The tribes of the upper lakes, and all the neighboring regions, brought down their furs every summer to the annual fair at Montreal. Perrot took his measures accordingly. On the island which still bears his name, lying above Montreal and directly in the route of the descending23 savages24, he built a storehouse, and placed it in charge of a retired25 lieutenant26 named Brucy, who stopped the Indians on their way, and carried on an active trade with them, to the great profit of himself and his associate, and the great loss of the merchants in the settlements below. This was not all. Perrot connived27 at the desertion of his own 29 soldiers, who escaped to the woods, became coureurs de bois, or bush-rangers, traded with the Indians in their villages, and shared their gains with their commander. Many others, too, of these forest rovers, outlawed28 by royal edicts, found in the governor of Montreal a protector, under similar conditions.
The journey from Quebec to Montreal often consumed a fortnight. Perrot thought himself virtually independent; and relying on his commission from the king, the protection of Talon, and his connection with other persons of influence, he felt safe in his position, and began to play the petty tyrant29. The judge of Montreal, and several of the chief inhabitants, came to offer a humble30 remonstrance31 against disorders32 committed by some of the ruffians in his interest. Perrot received them with a storm of vituperation, and presently sent the judge to prison. This proceeding33 was followed by a series of others, closely akin22 to it, so that the priests of St. Sulpice, who received their full share of official abuse, began to repent34 bitterly of the governor they had chosen.
Frontenac had received stringent35 orders from the king to arrest all the bush-rangers, or coureurs de bois; but, since he had scarcely a soldier at his disposal, except his own body-guard, the order was difficult to execute. As, however, most of these outlaws36 were in the service of his rival, Perrot, his zeal37 to capture them rose high against every obstacle. He had, moreover, a plan of his own in regard to them, and had already petitioned the 30 minister for a galley38, to the benches of which the captive bush-rangers were to be chained as rowers, thus supplying the representative of the king with a means of transportation befitting his dignity, and at the same time giving wholesome39 warning against the infraction40 of royal edicts. [2] Accordingly, he sent orders to the judge, at Montreal, to seize every coureur de bois on whom he could lay hands.
[2] Frontenac au Ministre, 2 Nov., 1672.
The judge, hearing that two of the most notorious were lodged41 in the house of a lieutenant named Carion, sent a constable42 to arrest them; whereupon Carion threatened and maltreated the officer of justice, and helped the men to escape. Perrot took the part of his lieutenant, and told the judge that he would put him in prison, in spite of Frontenac, if he ever dared to attempt such an arrest again. [3]
When Frontenac heard what had happened, his ire was doubly kindled44. On the one hand, Perrot had violated the authority lodged by the king in the person of his representative; and, on the other, the mutinous45 official was a rival in trade, who had made great and illicit46 profits, while his superior had, thus far, made none. As a governor and as a man, Frontenac was deeply moved; yet, helpless as he was, he could do no more than send three of his guardsmen, under a lieutenant named Bizard, with orders to arrest Carion and bring him to Quebec.
The commission was delicate. The arrest was 31 to be made in the dominions47 of Perrot, who had the means to prevent it, and the audacity48 to use them. Bizard acted accordingly. He went to Carion's house, and took him prisoner; then proceeded to the house of the merchant Le Ber, where he left a letter, in which Frontenac, as was the usage on such occasions, gave notice to the local governor of the arrest he had ordered. It was the object of Bizard to escape with his prisoner before Perrot could receive the letter; but, meanwhile, the wife of Carion ran to him with the news, and the governor suddenly arrived, in a frenzy49 of rage, followed by a sergeant50 and three or four soldiers. The sergeant held the point of his halberd against the breast of Bizard, while Perrot, choking with passion, demanded, "How dare you arrest an officer in my government without my leave?" The lieutenant replied that he acted under orders of the governor-general, and gave Frontenac's letter to Perrot, who immediately threw it into his face, exclaiming: "Take it back to your master, and tell him to teach you your business better another time. Meanwhile you are my prisoner." Bizard protested in vain. He was led to jail, whither he was followed a few days after by Le Ber, who had mortally offended Perrot by signing an attestation51 of the scene he had witnessed. As he was the chief merchant of the place, his arrest produced a great sensation, while his wife presently took to her bed with a nervous fever.
As Perrot's anger cooled, he became somewhat 32 alarmed. He had resisted the royal authority, and insulted its representative. The consequences might be serious; yet he could not bring himself to retrace52 his steps. He merely released Bizard, and sullenly53 permitted him to depart, with a letter to the governor-general, more impertinent than apologetic. [4]
[4] Mémoire des Motifs, etc.
Frontenac, as his enemies declare, was accustomed, when enraged54, to foam55 at the mouth. Perhaps he did so when he learned the behavior of Perrot. If he had had at command a few companies of soldiers, there can be little doubt that he would have gone at once to Montreal, seized the offender56, and brought him back in irons; but his body-guard of twenty men was not equal to such an enterprise. Nor would a muster of the militia57 have served his purpose; for the settlers about Quebec were chiefly peaceful peasants, while the denizens58 of Montreal were disbanded soldiers, fur traders, and forest adventurers, the best fighters in Canada. They were nearly all in the interest of Perrot, who, if attacked, had the temper as well as the ability to make a passionate59 resistance. Thus civil war would have ensued, and the anger of the king would have fallen on both parties. On the other hand, if Perrot were left unpunished, the coureurs de bois, of whom he was the patron, would set no bounds to their audacity, and Frontenac, who had been ordered to suppress them, would be condemned60 as negligent61 or incapable62.
Among the priests of St. Sulpice at Montreal 33 was the Abbé Salignac de Fénelon, half-brother of the celebrated63 author of Télémaque. He was a zealous64 missionary65, enthusiastic and impulsive66, still young, and more ardent67 than discreet68. One of his uncles had been the companion of Frontenac during the Candian war, and hence the count's relations with the missionary had been very friendly. Frontenac now wrote to Perrot, directing him to come to Quebec and give account of his conduct; and he coupled this letter with another to Fénelon, urging him to represent to the offending governor the danger of his position, and advise him to seek an interview with his superior, by which the difficulty might be amicably69 adjusted. Perrot, dreading70 the displeasure of the king, soothed71 by the moderate tone of Frontenac's letter, and moved by the assurances of the enthusiastic abbé, who was delighted to play the part of peace-maker, at length resolved to follow his counsel. It was mid-winter. Perrot and Fénelon set out together, walked on snow-shoes a hundred and eighty miles down the frozen St. Lawrence, and made their appearance before the offended count.
Frontenac, there can be little doubt, had never intended that Perrot, once in his power, should return to Montreal as its governor; but that, beyond this, he meant harm to him, there is not the least proof. Perrot, however, was as choleric72 and stubborn as the count himself; and his natural disposition73 had not been improved by several years of petty autocracy74 at Montreal. Their interview was brief, but stormy. When it ended, Perrot was a 34 prisoner in the chateau75, with guards placed over him by day and night. Frontenac made choice of one La Nouguère, a retired officer, whom he knew that he could trust, and sent him to Montreal to command in place of its captive governor. With him he sent also a judge of his own selection. La Nouguère set himself to his work with vigor76. Perrot's agent or partner, Brucy, was seized, tried, and imprisoned77; and an active hunt was begun for his coureurs de bois. Among others, the two who had been the occasion of the dispute were captured and sent to Quebec, where one of them was solemnly hanged before the window of Perrot's prison; with the view, no doubt, of producing a chastening effect on the mind of the prisoner. The execution was fully78 authorized79, a royal edict having ordained80 that bush-ranging was an offence punishable with death. [5] As the result of these proceedings81, Frontenac reported to the minister that only five coureurs de bois remained at large; all the rest having returned to the settlements and made their submission82, so that farther hanging was needless.
[5] édits et Ordonnances, I. 73.
Thus the central power was vindicated83, and Montreal brought down from her attitude of partial independence. Other results also followed, if we may believe the enemies of Frontenac, who declare that, by means of the new commandant and other persons in his interest, the governor-general possessed84 himself of a great part of the trade from which he had ejected Perrot, and that 35 the coureurs de bois, whom he hanged when breaking laws for his rival, found complete impunity85 when breaking laws for him.
Meanwhile, there was a deep though subdued86 excitement among the priests of St. Sulpice. The right of naming their own governor, which they claimed as seigniors of Montreal, had been violated by the action of Frontenac in placing La Nouguère in command without consulting them. Perrot was a bad governor; but it was they who had chosen him, and the recollection of his misdeeds did not reconcile them to a successor arbitrarily imposed upon them. Both they and the colonists87, their vassals88, were intensely jealous of Quebec; and, in their indignation against Frontenac, they more than half forgave Perrot. None among them all was so angry as the Abbé Fénelon. He believed that he had been used to lure89 Perrot into a trap; and his past attachment90 to the governor-general was turned into wrath91. High words had passed between them; and, when Fénelon returned to Montreal, he vented92 his feelings in a sermon plainly levelled at Frontenac. [6] So sharp and bitter was it, that his brethren of St. Sulpice hastened to disclaim93 it; and Dollier de Casson, their Superior, strongly reproved the preacher, who protested in return that his words were not meant to apply to Frontenac in particular, but only to bad rulers in general. His offences, however, did not cease with the sermon; for he espoused94 the cause of 36 Perrot with more than zeal, and went about among the colonists to collect attestations in his favor. When these things were reported to Frontenac, his ire was kindled, and he summoned Fénelon before the council at Quebec to answer the charge of instigating95 sedition96.
[6] Information faite par17 nous, Charles le Tardieu, Sieur de Tilly. Tilly was a commissioner97 sent by the council to inquire into the affair.
Fénelon had a relative and friend in the person of the Abbé d'Urfé, his copartner in the work of the missions. D'Urfé, anxious to conjure98 down the rising storm, went to Quebec to seek an interview with Frontenac; but, according to his own account, he was very ill received, and threatened with a prison. On another occasion, the count showed him a letter in which D'Urfé was charged with having used abusive language concerning him. Warm words ensued, till Frontenac, grasping his cane99, led the abbé to the door and dismissed him, berating100 him from the top of the stairs in tones so angry that the sentinel below spread the report that he had turned his visitor out of doors. [7]
[7] Mémoire de M. d'Urfé à Colbert, extracts in Faillon.
Two offenders101 were now arraigned102 before the council of Quebec: the first was Perrot, charged with disobeying the royal edicts and resisting the royal authority; the other was the Abbé Fénelon. The councillors were at this time united in the interest of Frontenac, who had the power of appointing and removing them. Perrot, in no way softened103 by a long captivity104, challenged the governor-general, who presided at the council board, as a party to the suit and his personal enemy, and 37 took exception to several of the members as being connections of La Nouguère. Frontenac withdrew, and other councillors or judges were appointed provisionally; but these were challenged in turn by the prisoner, on one pretext105 or another. The exceptions were overruled, and the trial proceeded, though not without signs of doubt and hesitation106 on the part of some of the councillors. [8]
[8] All the proceedings in the affair of Perrot will be found in full in the Registre des Jugements et Déliberations du Conseil Supérieur. They extend from the end of January to the beginning of November, 1674.
Meanwhile, other sessions were held for the trial of Fénelon; and a curious scene ensued. Five councillors and the deputy attorney-general were seated at the board, with Frontenac as presiding judge, his hat on his head and his sword at his side, after the established custom. Fénelon, being led in, approached a vacant chair, and was about to seat himself with the rest, when Frontenac interposed, telling him that it was his duty to remain standing107 while answering the questions of the council. Fénelon at once placed himself in the chair, and replied that priests had the right to speak seated and with heads covered.
"Yes," returned Frontenac, "when they are summoned as witnesses, but not when they are cited to answer charges of crime."
"My crimes exist nowhere but in your head," replied the abbé. And, putting on his hat, he drew it down over his brows, rose, gathered his cassock about him, and walked in a defiant108 manner 38 to and fro. Frontenac told him that his conduct was wanting in respect to the council, and to the governor as its head. Fénelon several times took off his hat, and pushed it on again more angrily than ever, saying at the same time that Frontenac was wanting in respect to his character of priest, in citing him before a civil tribunal. As he persisted in his refusal to take the required attitude, he was at length told that he might leave the room. After being kept for a time in the anteroom in charge of a constable, he was again brought before the council, when he still refused obedience109, and was ordered into a sort of honorable imprisonment110. [9]
[9] Conteste entre le Gouverneur et l'Abbé de Fénelon; Jugements et Déliberations du Conseil Supérieur, 21 Ao?t, 1674.
This behavior of the effervescent abbé, which Frontenac justly enough characterizes as unworthy of his birth and his sacred office, was, nevertheless, founded on a claim sustained by many precedents111. As an ecclesiastic112, Fénelon insisted that the bishop113 alone, and not the council, had the right to judge him. Like Perrot, too, he challenged his judges as parties to the suit, or otherwise interested against him. On the question of jurisdiction114, he had all the priests on his side. Bishop Laval was in France; and Bernières, his grand vicar, was far from filling the place of the strenuous115 and determined116 prelate. Yet the ecclesiastical storm rose so high that the councillors, discouraged and daunted117, were no longer amenable118 to the will of Frontenac; and it was resolved at last to refer the whole matter to 39 the king. Perrot was taken from the prison, which he had occupied from January to November, and shipped for France, along with Fénelon. An immense mass of papers was sent with them for the instruction of the king; and Frontenac wrote a long despatch119, in which he sets forth120 the offences of Perrot and Fénelon, the pretensions121 of the ecclesiastics122, the calumnies123 he had incurred124 in his efforts to serve his Majesty125, and the insults heaped upon him, "which no man but me would have endured so patiently." Indeed, while the suits were pending126 before the council, he had displayed a calmness and moderation which surprised his opponents. "Knowing as I do," he pursues, "the cabals128 and intrigues that are rife129 here, I must expect that every thing will be said against me that the most artful slander130 can devise. A governor in this country would greatly deserve pity, if he were left without support; and, even should he make mistakes, it would surely be very pardonable, seeing that there is no snare131 that is not spread for him, and that, after avoiding a hundred of them, he will hardly escape being caught at last." [10]
[10] Frontenac au Ministre, 14 Nov., 1674. In a preceding letter, sent by way of Boston, and dated 16 February, he says that he could not suffer Perrot to go unpunished without injury to the regal authority, which he is resolved to defend to the last drop of his blood.
In his charges of cabal127 and intrigue18, Frontenac had chiefly in view the clergy132, whom he profoundly distrusted, excepting always the Récollet friars, whom he befriended because the bishop and the Jesuits opposed them. The priests on their part declare that he persecuted133 them, compelled 40 them to take passports like laymen134 when travelling about the colony, and even intercepted135 their letters. These accusations136 and many others were carried to the king and the minister by the Abbé d'Urfé, who sailed in the same ship with Fénelon. The moment was singularly auspicious137 to him. His cousin, the Marquise d'Allègre, was on the point of marrying Seignelay, the son of the minister Colbert, who, therefore, was naturally inclined to listen with favor to him and to Fénelon, his relative. Again, Talon, uncle of Perrot's wife, held a post at court, which brought him into close personal relations with the king. Nor were these the only influences adverse138 to Frontenac and propitious139 to his enemies. Yet his enemies were disappointed. The letters written to him both by Colbert and by the king are admirable for calmness and dignity. The following is from that of the king:—
"Though I do not credit all that has been told me concerning various little annoyances140 which you cause to the ecclesiastics, I nevertheless think it necessary to inform you of it, in order that, if true, you may correct yourself in this particular, giving to all the clergy entire liberty to go and come throughout all Canada without compelling them to take out passports, and at the same time leaving them perfect freedom as regards their letters. I have seen and carefully examined all that you have sent touching141 M. Perrot; and, after having also seen all the papers given by him in his defence, I have condemned his action in 41 imprisoning142 an officer of your guard. To punish him, I have had him placed for a short time in the Bastile, that he may learn to be more circumspect143 in the discharge of his duty, and that his example may serve as a warning to others. But after having thus vindicated my authority, which has been violated in your person, I will say, in order that you may fully understand my views, that you should not without absolute necessity cause your commands to be executed within the limits of a local government, like that of Montreal, without first informing its governor, and also that the ten months of imprisonment which you have made him undergo seems to me sufficient for his fault. I therefore sent him to the Bastile merely as a public reparation for having violated my authority. After keeping him there a few days, I shall send him back to his government, ordering him first to see you and make apology to you for all that has passed; after which I desire that you retain no resentment144 against him, and that you treat him in accordance with the powers that I have given him." [11]
[11] Le Roi à Frontenac, 22 Avril, 1675.
Colbert writes in terms equally measured, and adds: "After having spoken in the name of his Majesty, pray let me add a word in my own. By the marriage which the king has been pleased to make between the heiress of the house of Allègre and my son, the Abbé d'Urfé has become very closely connected with me, since he is cousin german of my daughter-in-law; and this induces me 42 to request you to show him especial consideration, though, in the exercise of his profession, he will rarely have occasion to see you."
As D'Urfé had lately addressed a memorial to Colbert, in which the conduct of Frontenac is painted in the darkest colors, the almost imperceptible rebuke5 couched in the above lines does no little credit to the tact145 and moderation of the stern minister.
Colbert next begs Frontenac to treat with kindness the priests of Montreal, observing that Bretonvilliers, their Superior at Paris, is his particular friend. "As to M. Perrot," he continues, "since ten months of imprisonment at Quebec and three weeks in the Bastile may suffice to atone146 for his fault, and since also he is related or connected with persons for whom I have a great regard, I pray you to accept kindly147 the apologies which he will make you, and, as it is not at all likely that he will fall again into any offence approaching that which he has committed, you will give me especial pleasure in granting him the honor of your favor and friendship." [12]
[12] Colbert à Frontenac, 13 Mai, 1675.
Fénelon, though the recent marriage had allied148 him also to Colbert, fared worse than either of the other parties to the dispute. He was indeed sustained in his claim to be judged by an ecclesiastical tribunal; but his Superior, Bretonvilliers, forbade him to return to Canada, and the king approved the prohibition149. Bretonvilliers wrote to the Sulpitian priests of Montreal: "I exhort150 you to profit 43 by the example of M. de Fénelon. By having busied himself too much in worldly matters, and meddled151 with what did not concern him, he has ruined his own prospects152 and injured the friends whom he wished to serve. In matters of this sort, it is well always to stand neutral." [13]
[13] Lettre de Bretonvilliers, 7 Mai, 1675; extract in Faillon. Fénelon, though wanting in prudence153 and dignity, had been an ardent and devoted154 missionary. In relation to these disputes, I have received much aid from the research of Abbé Faillon, and from the valuable paper of Abbé Verreau, Les deux Abbés de Fénelon, printed in the Canadian Journal de l'Instruction Publique, Vol. VIII.
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speculations
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| n.投机买卖( speculation的名词复数 )；思考；投机活动；推断 | |
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dilemma
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| n.困境，进退两难的局面 | |
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mediation
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| n.调解 | |
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rebuked
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| 责难或指责( rebuke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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rebuke
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| v.指责，非难，斥责 [反]praise | |
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predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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insolent
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| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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talon
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| n.爪；（如爪般的）手指；爪状物 | |
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outlet
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| n.出口/路；销路；批发商店；通风口；发泄 | |
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stimulated
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irritable
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vivacity
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| n.快活，活泼，精神充沛 | |
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hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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muster
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| v.集合，收集，鼓起，激起；n.集合，检阅，集合人员，点名册 | |
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consternation
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| n.大为吃惊，惊骇 | |
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par
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| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
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intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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destined
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feudal
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akin
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descending
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savages
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retired
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lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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connived
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| v.密谋 ( connive的过去式和过去分词 )；搞阴谋；默许；纵容 | |
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outlawed
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tyrant
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humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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31
remonstrance
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| n抗议，抱怨 | |
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32
disorders
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| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
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proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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34
repent
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| v.悔悟，悔改，忏悔，后悔 | |
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35
stringent
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| adj.严厉的；令人信服的；银根紧的 | |
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36
outlaws
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| 歹徒，亡命之徒( outlaw的名词复数 )； 逃犯 | |
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37
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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38
galley
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| n.（飞机或船上的）厨房单层甲板大帆船；军舰舰长用的大划艇； | |
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39
wholesome
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| adj.适合；卫生的；有益健康的；显示身心健康的 | |
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40
infraction
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| n.违反；违法 | |
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41
lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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42
constable
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| n.(英国)警察，警官 | |
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43
motifs
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| n. （文艺作品等的）主题( motif的名词复数 )；中心思想；基本模式；基本图案 | |
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44
kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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45
mutinous
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| adj.叛变的，反抗的；adv.反抗地，叛变地；n.反抗，叛变 | |
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46
illicit
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| adj.非法的，禁止的，不正当的 | |
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47
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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48
audacity
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| n.大胆，卤莽，无礼 | |
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49
frenzy
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| n.疯狂，狂热，极度的激动 | |
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50
sergeant
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| n.警官，中士 | |
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51
attestation
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| n.证词 | |
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52
retrace
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| v.折回；追溯，探源 | |
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53
sullenly
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| 不高兴地，绷着脸，忧郁地 | |
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54
enraged
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| 使暴怒( enrage的过去式和过去分词 )； 歜； 激愤 | |
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55
foam
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| v./n.泡沫，起泡沫 | |
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56
offender
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| n.冒犯者，违反者，犯罪者 | |
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57
militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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58
denizens
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| n.居民，住户( denizen的名词复数 ) | |
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59
passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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60
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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61
negligent
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| adj.疏忽的；玩忽的；粗心大意的 | |
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62
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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63
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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64
zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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65
missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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66
impulsive
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| adj.冲动的，刺激的；有推动力的 | |
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67
ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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68
discreet
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| adj.(言行)谨慎的；慎重的；有判断力的 | |
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69
amicably
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| adv.友善地 | |
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70
dreading
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| v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的现在分词 ) | |
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71
soothed
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| v.安慰( soothe的过去式和过去分词 )；抚慰；使舒服；减轻痛苦 | |
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72
choleric
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| adj.易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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73
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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74
autocracy
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| n.独裁政治，独裁政府 | |
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75
chateau
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| n.城堡，别墅 | |
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76
vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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77
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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78
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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79
authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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80
ordained
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| v.任命（某人）为牧师( ordain的过去式和过去分词 )；授予（某人）圣职；（上帝、法律等）命令；判定 | |
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81
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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82
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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83
vindicated
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| v.澄清（某人/某事物）受到的责难或嫌疑( vindicate的过去式和过去分词 )；表明或证明（所争辩的事物）属实、正当、有效等；维护 | |
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84
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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85
impunity
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| n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
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86
subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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87
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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88
vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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89
lure
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| n.吸引人的东西，诱惑物；vt.引诱，吸引 | |
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90
attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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91
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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92
vented
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| 表达，发泄（感情，尤指愤怒）( vent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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93
disclaim
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| v.放弃权利，拒绝承认 | |
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94
espoused
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| v.（决定）支持，拥护（目标、主张等）( espouse的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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95
instigating
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| v.使（某事物）开始或发生，鼓动( instigate的现在分词 ) | |
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96
sedition
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| n.煽动叛乱 | |
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97
commissioner
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| n.（政府厅、局、处等部门）专员，长官，委员 | |
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98
conjure
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| v.恳求，祈求；变魔术，变戏法 | |
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99
cane
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| n.手杖，细长的茎，藤条；v.以杖击，以藤编制的 | |
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100
berating
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| v.严厉责备，痛斥( berate的现在分词 ) | |
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101
offenders
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| n.冒犯者( offender的名词复数 )；犯规者；罪犯；妨害…的人（或事物） | |
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102
arraigned
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| v.告发( arraign的过去式和过去分词 )；控告；传讯；指责 | |
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103
softened
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| （使）变软( soften的过去式和过去分词 )； 缓解打击； 缓和； 安慰 | |
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104
captivity
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| n.囚禁；被俘；束缚 | |
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105
pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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106
hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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107
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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108
defiant
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| adj.无礼的，挑战的 | |
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109
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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110
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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111
precedents
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| 引用单元； 范例( precedent的名词复数 )； 先前出现的事例； 前例； 先例 | |
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112
ecclesiastic
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| n.教士，基督教会；adj.神职者的，牧师的，教会的 | |
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113
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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114
jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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115
strenuous
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| adj.奋发的，使劲的；紧张的；热烈的，狂热的 | |
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116
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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117
daunted
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| 使（某人）气馁，威吓( daunt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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118
amenable
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| adj.经得起检验的；顺从的；对负有义务的 | |
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119
despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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120
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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121
pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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122
ecclesiastics
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| n.神职者，教会，牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
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123
calumnies
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| n.诬蔑，诽谤，中伤（的话）( calumny的名词复数 ) | |
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124
incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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125
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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126
pending
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| prep.直到，等待…期间；adj.待定的；迫近的 | |
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127
cabal
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| n.政治阴谋小集团 | |
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128
cabals
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| n.（政治）阴谋小集团，（尤指政治上的）阴谋( cabal的名词复数 ) | |
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129
rife
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| adj.(指坏事情)充斥的，流行的，普遍的 | |
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130
slander
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| n./v.诽谤，污蔑 | |
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131
snare
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| n.陷阱，诱惑，圈套；（去除息肉或者肿瘤的）勒除器；响弦，小军鼓；vt.以陷阱捕获，诱惑 | |
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132
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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133
persecuted
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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134
laymen
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| 门外汉，外行人( layman的名词复数 )； 普通教徒（有别于神职人员） | |
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135
intercepted
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| 拦截( intercept的过去式和过去分词 )； 截住； 截击； 拦阻 | |
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136
accusations
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| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
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137
auspicious
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| adj.吉利的；幸运的，吉兆的 | |
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138
adverse
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| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
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139
propitious
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| adj.吉利的；顺利的 | |
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140
annoyances
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| n.恼怒( annoyance的名词复数 )；烦恼；打扰；使人烦恼的事 | |
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141
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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142
imprisoning
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| v.下狱，监禁( imprison的现在分词 ) | |
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143
circumspect
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| adj.慎重的，谨慎的 | |
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144
resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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145
tact
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| n.机敏，圆滑，得体 | |
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146
atone
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| v.赎罪，补偿 | |
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147
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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148
allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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149
prohibition
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| n.禁止；禁令，禁律 | |
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150
exhort
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| v.规劝，告诫 | |
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151
meddled
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| v.干涉，干预（他人事务）( meddle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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152
prospects
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| n.希望，前途(恒为复数) | |
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153
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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154
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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