Frontenac and Duchesneau.
Frontenac receives a Colleague ? He opposes the Clergy1 ? Disputes in the Council ? Royal Intervention2 ? Frontenac rebuked3 ? Fresh Outbreaks ? Charges and Countercharges ? The Dispute grows hot ? Duchesneau condemned4 and Frontenac warned ? The Quarrel continues ? The King loses Patience ? More Accusations5 ? Factions6 and Feuds8 ? A Side Quarrel ? The King threatens ? Frontenac denounces the Priests ? The Governor and the Intendant recalled ? Qualities of Frontenac.
While writing to Frontenac in terms of studied mildness, the king and Colbert took measures to curb9 his power. In the absence of the bishop10, the appointment and removal of councillors had rested wholly with the governor; and hence the council had been docile11 under his will. It was now ordained12 that the councillors should be appointed by the king himself. [1] This was not the only change. Since the departure of the intendant Talon14, his office had been vacant; and Frontenac was left to rule alone. This seems to have been an experiment on the part of his masters at Versailles, who, knowing the peculiarities15 of his temper, were perhaps willing to try the effect of leaving him without a colleague. The experiment had not 45 succeeded. An intendant was now, therefore, sent to Quebec, not only to manage the details of administration, but also to watch the governor, keep him, if possible, within prescribed bounds, and report his proceedings16 to the minister. The change was far from welcome to Frontenac, whose delight it was to hold all the reins17 of power in his own hands; nor was he better pleased with the return of Bishop Laval, which presently took place. Three preceding governors had quarrelled with that uncompromising prelate; and there was little hope that Frontenac and he would keep the peace. All the signs of the sky foreboded storm.
[1] édits et Ordonnances, I. 84.
The storm soon came. The occasion of it was that old vexed18 question of the sale of brandy, which has been fully19 treated in another volume, [2] and on which it is needless to dwell here. Another dispute quickly followed; and here, too, the governor's chief adversaries20 were the bishop and the ecclesiastics21. Duchesneau, the new intendant, took part with them. The bishop and his clergy were, on their side, very glad of a secular22 ally; for their power had greatly fallen since the days of Mézy, and the rank and imperious character of Frontenac appear to have held them in some awe23. They avoided as far as they could a direct collision with him, and waged vicarious war in the person of their friend the intendant. Duchesneau was not of a conciliating spirit, and he felt strong in the support of the clergy; while Frontenac, when his temper was roused, would fight with haughty24 and 46 impracticable obstinacy25 for any position which he had once assumed, however trivial or however mistaken. There was incessant26 friction27 between the two colleagues in the exercise of their respective functions, and occasions of difference were rarely wanting.
[2] The Old Régime in Canada.
The question now at issue was that of honors and precedence at church and in religious ceremonies, matters of substantial importance under the Bourbon rule. Colbert interposed, ordered Duchesneau to treat Frontenac with becoming deference28, and warned him not to make himself the partisan29 of the bishop; [3] while, at the same time, he exhorted31 Frontenac to live in harmony with the intendant. [4] The dispute continued till the king lost patience.
[3] Colbert à Duchesneau, 1 Mai, 1677.
[4] Ibid., 18 Mai, 1677.
"Through all my kingdom," he wrote to the governor, "I do not hear of so many difficulties on this matter (of ecclesiastical honors) as I see in the church of Quebec." [5] And he directs him to conform to the practice established in the city of Amiens, and to exact no more; "since you ought to be satisfied with being the representative of my person in the country where I have placed you in command."
[5] Le Roy à Frontenac, 25 Avril, 1679.
At the same time, Colbert corrects the intendant. "A memorial," he wrote, "has been placed in my hands, touching32 various ecclesiastical honors, wherein there continually appears a great pretension33 47 on your part, and on that of the bishop of Quebec in your favor, to establish an equality between the governor and you. I think I have already said enough to lead you to know yourself, and to understand the difference between a governor and an intendant; so that it is no longer necessary for me to enter into particulars, which could only serve to show you that you are completely in the wrong." [6]
[6] Colbert à Duchesneau, 8 Mai, 1679
Scarcely was this quarrel suppressed, when another sprang up. Since the arrival of the intendant and the return of the bishop, the council had ceased to be in the interest of Frontenac. Several of its members were very obnoxious34 to him; and chief among these was Villeray, a former councillor whom the king had lately reinstated. Frontenac admitted him to his seat with reluctance35. "I obey your orders," he wrote mournfully to Colbert; "but Villeray is the principal and most dangerous instrument of the bishop and the Jesuits." [7] He says, farther, that many people think him to be a Jesuit in disguise, and that he is an intriguing36 busybody, who makes trouble everywhere. He also denounces the attorney-general, Auteuil, as an ally of the Jesuits. Another of the reconstructed council, Tilly, meets his cordial approval; but he soon found reason to change his mind concerning him.
[7] Frontenac au Ministre, 14 Nov., 1674
The king had recently ordered that the intendant, though holding only the third rank in the 48 council, should act as its president. [8] The commission of Duchesneau, however, empowered him to preside only in the absence of the governor; [9] while Frontenac is styled "chief and president of the council" in several of the despatches addressed to him. Here was an inconsistency. Both parties claimed the right of presiding, and both could rest their claim on a clear expression of the royal will.
[8] Declaration du Roy, 23 Sept., 1675.
[9] "Présider au Conseil Souverain en l'absence du dit Sieur de Frontenac."—Commission de Duchesneau, 5 Juin, 1675.
Frontenac rarely began a new quarrel till the autumn vessels39 had sailed for France; because a full year must then elapse before his adversaries could send their complaints to the king, and six months more before the king could send back his answer. The governor had been heard to say, on one of these occasions, that he should now be master for eighteen months, subject only to answering with his head for what he might do. It was when the last vessel38 was gone in the autumn of 1678 that he demanded to be styled chief and president on the records of the council; and he showed a letter from the king in which he was so entitled. [10] In spite of this, Duchesneau resisted, and appealed to precedent40 to sustain his position. A long series of stormy sessions followed. The councillors in the clerical interest supported the intendant. Frontenac, chafed41 and angry, refused all compromise. Business was stopped for weeks. 49 Duchesneau lost temper, and became abusive. Auteuil tried to interpose in behalf of the intendant. Frontenac struck the table with his fist, and told him fiercely that he would teach him his duty. Every day embittered42 the strife43. The governor made the declaration usual with him on such occasions, that he would not permit the royal authority to suffer in his person. At length he banished45 from Quebec his three most strenuous46 opponents, Villeray, Tilly, and Auteuil, and commanded them to remain in their country houses till they received his farther orders. All attempts at compromise proved fruitless; and Auteuil, in behalf of the exiles, appealed piteously to the king.
[10] This letter, still preserved in the Archives de la Marine47, is dated 12 Mai, 1678. Several other letters of Louis XIV. give Frontenac the same designation.
The answer came in the following summer: "Monsieur le Comte de Frontenac," wrote Louis XIV., "I am surprised to learn all the new troubles and dissensions that have occurred in my country of New France, more especially since I have clearly and strongly given you to understand that your sole care should be to maintain harmony and peace among all my subjects dwelling48 therein; but what surprises me still more is that in nearly all the disputes which you have caused you have advanced claims which have very little foundation. My edicts, declarations, and ordinances49 had so plainly made known to you my will, that I have great cause of astonishment50 that you, whose duty it is to see them faithfully executed, have yourself set up pretensions51 entirely52 opposed to them. You have wished to be styled chief and president on the records of the Supreme53 Council, which is contrary 50 to my edict concerning that council; and I am the more surprised at this demand, since I am very sure that you are the only man in my kingdom who, being honored with the title of governor and lieutenant54-general, would care to be styled chief and president of such a council as that of Quebec."
He then declares that neither Frontenac nor the intendant is to have the title of president, but that the intendant is to perform the functions of presiding officer, as determined55 by the edict. He continues:—
"Moreover, your abuse of the authority which I have confided57 to you in exiling two councillors and the attorney-general for so trivial a cause cannot meet my approval; and, were it not for the distinct assurances given me by your friends that you will act with more moderation in future, and never again fall into offences of this nature, I should have resolved on recalling you." [11]
[11] Le Roy à Frontenac, 29 Avril, 1680. A decree of the council of state soon after determined the question of presidency58 in accord with this letter. édits et Ordonnances, I. 238.
Colbert wrote to him with equal severity: "I have communicated to the king the contents of all the despatches which you have written to me during the past year; and as the matters of which they treat are sufficiently59 ample, including dissensions almost universal among those whose duty it is to preserve harmony in the country under your command, his Majesty60 has been pleased to examine all the papers sent by all the parties interested, 51 and more particularly those appended to your letters. He has thereupon ordered me distinctly to make known to you his intentions." The minister then proceeds to reprove him sharply in the name of the king, and concludes: "It is difficult for me to add any thing to what I have just said. Consider well that, if it is any advantage or any satisfaction to you that his Majesty should be satisfied with your services, it is necessary that you change entirely the conduct which you have hitherto pursued." [12]
[12] Colbert à Frontenac, 4 Dec., 1679. This letter seems to have been sent by a special messenger by way of New England. It was too late in the season to send directly to Canada. On the quarrel about the presidency, Duchesneau au Ministre, 10 Nov., 1679; Auteuil au Ministre, 10 Aug., 1679; Contestations entre le Sieur Comte de Frontenac et M. Duchesneau, Chevalier. This last paper consists of voluminous extracts from the records of the council.
This, one would think, might have sufficed to bring the governor to reason, but the violence of his resentments61 and antipathies62 overcame the very slender share of prudence63 with which nature had endowed him. One morning, as he sat at the head of the council board, the bishop on his right hand, and the intendant on his left, a woman made her appearance with a sealed packet of papers. She was the wife of the councillor Amours, whose chair was vacant at the table. Important business was in hand, the registration64 of a royal edict of amnesty to the coureurs de bois. The intendant, who well knew what the packet contained, demanded that it should be opened. Frontenac insisted that the business before the council should 52 proceed. The intendant renewed his demand, the council sustained him, and the packet was opened accordingly. It contained a petition from Amours, stating that Frontenac had put him in prison, because, having obtained in due form a passport to send a canoe to his fishing station of Matane, he had afterwards sent a sail-boat thither65 without applying for another passport. Frontenac had sent for him, and demanded by what right he did so. Amours replied that he believed that he had acted in accordance with the intentions of the king; whereupon, to borrow the words of the petition, "Monsieur the governor fell into a rage, and said to your petitioner66, 'I will teach you the intentions of the king, and you shall stay in prison till you learn them;' and your petitioner was shut up in a chamber67 of the chateau68, wherein he still remains69." He proceeds to pray that a trial may be granted him according to law. [13]
[13] Registre du Conseil Supérieur, 16 Ao?st, 1681.
Discussions now ensued which lasted for days, and now and then became tempestuous70. The governor, who had declared that the council had nothing to do with the matter, and that he could not waste time in talking about it, was not always present at the meetings, and it sometimes became necessary to depute one or more of the members to visit him. Auteuil, the attorney-general, having been employed on this unenviable errand, begged the council to dispense71 him from such duty in future, "by reason," as he says, "of the abuse, ill treatment, and threats which he received from 53 Monsieur the governor, when he last had the honor of being deputed to confer with him, the particulars whereof he begs to be excused from reporting, lest the anger of Monsieur the governor should be kindled72 against him still more." [14] Frontenac, hearing of this charge, angrily denied it, saying that the attorney-general had slandered73 and insulted him, and that it was his custom to do so. Auteuil rejoined that the governor had accused him of habitual74 lying, and told him that he would have his hand cut off. All these charges and countercharges may still be found entered in due form on the old records of the council at Quebec.
[14] Registre du Conseil Supérieur, 4 Nov., 1681.
It was as usual upon the intendant that the wrath75 of Frontenac fell most fiercely. He accuses him of creating cabals76 and intrigues77, and causing not only the council, but all the country, to forget the respect due to the representative of his Majesty. Once, when Frontenac was present at the session, a dispute arose about an entry on the record. A draft of it had been made in terms agreeable to the governor, who insisted that the intendant should sign it. Duchesneau replied that he and the clerk would go into the adjoining room, where they could examine it in peace, and put it into a proper form. Frontenac rejoined that he would then have no security that what he had said in the council would be accurately78 reported. Duchesneau persisted, and was going out with the draft in his hand, when Frontenac planted himself before the door, and 54 told him that he should not leave the council chamber till he had signed the paper. "Then I will get out of the window, or else stay here all day," returned Duchesneau. A lively debate ensued, and the governor at length yielded the point. [15]
[15] Registre de Conseil Supérieur, 1681.
The imprisonment79 of Amours was short, but strife did not cease. The disputes in the council were accompanied throughout with other quarrels which were complicated with them, and which were worse than all the rest, since they involved more important matters and covered a wider field. They related to the fur trade, on which hung the very life of the colony. Merchants, traders, and even habitants, were ranged in two contending factions. Of one of these Frontenac was the chief. With him were La Salle and his lieutenant, La Forêt; Du Lhut, the famous leader of coureurs de bois; Boisseau, agent of the farmers of the revenue; Barrois, the governor's secretary; Bizard, lieutenant of his guard; and various others of greater or less influence. On the other side were the members of the council, with Aubert de la Chesnaye, Le Moyne and all his sons, Louis Joliet, Jacques Le Ber, Sorel, Boucher, Varennes, and many more, all supported by the intendant Duchesneau, and also by his fast allies, the ecclesiastics. The faction7 under the lead of the governor had every advantage, for it was sustained by all the power of his office. Duchesneau was beside himself with rage. He wrote to the court letters full of bitterness, accused Frontenac of illicit80 trade, 55 denounced his followers81, and sent huge bundles of procès-verbaux and attestations to prove his charges.
But if Duchesneau wrote letters, so too did Frontenac; and if the intendant sent proofs, so too did the governor. Upon the unfortunate king and the still more unfortunate minister fell the difficult task of composing the quarrels of their servants, three thousand miles away. They treated Duchesneau without ceremony. Colbert wrote to him: "I have examined all the letters, papers, and memorials that you sent me by the return of the vessels last November, and, though it appears by the letters of M. de Frontenac that his conduct leaves something to be desired, there is assuredly far more to blame in yours than in his. As to what you say concerning his violence, his trade with the Indians, and in general all that you allege82 against him, the king has written to him his intentions; but since, in the midst of all your complaints, you say many things which are without foundation, or which are no concern of yours, it is difficult to believe that you act in the spirit which the service of the king demands; that is to say, without interest and without passion. If a change does not appear in your conduct before next year, his Majesty will not keep you in your office." [16]
[16] Colbert à Duchesneau, 15 Mai, 1678.
At the same time, the king wrote to Frontenac, alluding83 to the complaints of Duchesneau, and exhorting84 the governor to live on good terms with 56 him. The general tone of the letter is moderate, but the following significant warning occurs in it: "Although no gentleman in the position in which I have placed you ought to take part in any trade, directly or indirectly85, either by himself or any of his servants, I nevertheless now prohibit you absolutely from doing so. Not only abstain86 from trade, but act in such a manner that nobody can even suspect you of it; and this will be easy, since the truth will readily come to light." [17]
[17] Le Roy à Frontenac, 12 Mai, 1678.
Exhortation87 and warning were vain alike. The first ships which returned that year from Canada brought a series of despatches from the intendant, renewing all his charges more bitterly than before. The minister, out of patience, replied by berating88 him without mercy. "You may rest assured," he concludes, "that, did it not appear by your later despatches that the letters you have received have begun to make you understand that you have forgotten yourself, it would not have been possible to prevent the king from recalling you." [18]
[18] Colbert à Duchesneau, 25 Avril, 1679.
Duchesneau, in return, protests all manner of deference to the governor, but still insists that he sets the royal edicts at naught89; protects a host of coureurs de bois who are in league with him; corresponds with Du Lhut, their chief; shares his illegal profits, and causes all the disorders90 which afflict92 the colony. "As for me, Monseigneur, I have done every thing within the scope of my office to prevent these evils; but all the pains I have taken 57 have only served to increase the aversion of Monsieur the governor against me, and to bring my ordinances into contempt. This, Monseigneur, is a true account of the disobedience of the coureurs de bois, of which I twice had the honor to speak to Monsieur the governor; and I could not help telling him, with all possible deference, that it was shameful94 to the colony and to us that the king, our master, of whom the whole world stands in awe, who has just given law to all Europe, and whom all his subjects adore, should have the pain of knowing that, in a country which has received so many marks of his paternal95 tenderness, his orders are violated and scorned; and a governor and an intendant stand by, with folded arms, content with saying that the evil is past remedy. For having made these representations to him, I drew on myself words so full of contempt and insult that I was forced to leave his room to appease96 his anger. The next morning I went to him again, and did all I could to have my ordinances executed; but, as Monsieur the governor is interested with many of the coureurs de bois, it is useless to attempt to do any thing. He has gradually made himself master of the trade of Montreal; and, as soon as the Indians arrive, he sets guards in their camp, which would be very well, if these soldiers did their duty and protected the savages97 from being annoyed and plundered98 by the French, instead of being employed to discover how many furs they have brought, with a view to future operations. Monsieur the governor then compels 58 the Indians to pay his guards for protecting them; and he has never allowed them to trade with the inhabitants till they had first given him a certain number of packs of beaver99 skins, which he calls his presents. His guards trade with them openly at the fair, with their bandoleers on their shoulders."
He says, farther, that Frontenac sends up goods to Montreal, and employs persons to trade in his behalf; and that, what with the beaver skins exacted by him and his guards under the name of presents, and those which he and his favorites obtain in trade, only the smaller part of what the Indians bring to market ever reaches the people of the colony. [19]
[19] Duchesneau au Ministre, 10 Nov., 1679.
This despatch37, and the proofs accompanying it, drew from the king a sharp reproof100 to Frontenac.
"What has passed in regard to the coureurs de bois is entirely contrary to my orders; and I cannot receive in excuse for it your allegation that it is the intendant who countenances101 them by the trade he carries on, for I perceive clearly that the fault is your own. As I see that you often turn the orders that I give you against the very object for which they are given, beware not to do so on this occasion. I shall hold you answerable for bringing the disorder91 of the coureurs de bois to an end throughout Canada; and this you will easily succeed in doing, if you make a proper use of my authority. Take care not to persuade yourself that what I write to you comes from the ill 59 offices of the intendant. It results from what I fully know from every thing which reaches me from Canada, proving but too well what you are doing there. The bishop, the ecclesiastics, the Jesuit fathers, the Supreme Council, and, in a word, everybody, complain of you; but I am willing to believe that you will change your conduct, and act with the moderation necessary for the good of the colony." [20]
[20] Le Roy à Frontenac, 29 Avril, 1680.
Colbert wrote in a similar strain; and Frontenac saw that his position was becoming critical. He showed, it is true, no sign of that change of conduct which the king had demanded; but he appealed to his allies at court to use fresh efforts to sustain him. Among the rest, he had a strong friend in the Maréchal de Bellefonds, to whom he wrote, in the character of an abused and much-suffering man: "You exhort30 me to have patience, and I agree with you that those placed in a position of command cannot have too much. For this reason, I have given examples of it here such as perhaps no governor ever gave before; and I have found no great difficulty in doing so, because I felt myself to be the master. Had I been in a private station, I could not have endured such outrageous102 insults without dishonor. I have always passed over in silence those directed against me personally; and have never given way to anger, except when attacks were made on the authority of which I have the honor to be the guardian103. You could not believe all the annoyances104 60 which the intendant tries to put upon me every day, and which, as you advise me, I scorn or disregard. It would require a virtue105 like yours to turn them to all the good use of which they are capable; yet, great as the virtue is which has enabled you to possess your soul in tranquillity106 amid all the troubles of the court, I doubt if you could preserve such complete equanimity107 among the miserable108 tumults109 of Canada." [21]
[21] Frontenac au Maréchal de Bellefonds, 14 Nov., 1680.
Having given the principal charges of Duchesneau against Frontenac, it is time to give those of Frontenac against Duchesneau. The governor says that all the coureurs de bois would be brought to submission110 but for the intendant and his allies, who protect them, and carry on trade by their means; that the seigniorial house of Duchesneau's partner, La Chesnaye, is the constant resort of these outlaws111; and that he and his associates have large storehouses at Montreal, Isle112 St. Paul, and Rivière du Loup, whence they send goods into the Indian country, in contempt of the king's orders. [22] Frontenac also complains of numberless provocations113 from the intendant. "It is no fault of mine that I am not on good terms with M. Duchesneau; for I have done every thing I could to that end, being too submissive to your Majesty's commands not to suppress my sharpest indignation the moment your will is known to me. But, Sire, it is not so with him; and his desire to excite new disputes, in the hope of making me appear their 61 principal author, has been so great that the last ships were hardly gone, when, forgetting what your Majesty had enjoined114 upon us both, he began these dissensions afresh, in spite of all my precautions. If I depart from my usual reserve in regard to him, and make bold to ask justice at the hands of your Majesty for the wrongs and insults I have undergone, it is because nothing but your authority can keep them within bounds. I have never suffered more in my life than when I have been made to appear as a man of violence and a disturber of the officers of justice: for I have always confined myself to what your Majesty has prescribed; that is, to exhorting them to do their duty when I saw that they failed in it. This has drawn115 upon me, both from them and from M. Duchesneau, such cutting affronts116 that your Majesty would hardly credit them." [23]
[22] Mémoire et Preuves du Désordre des Coureurs de Bois.
[23] Frontenac au Roy, 2 Nov., 1681.
In 1681, Seignelay, the son of Colbert, entered upon the charge of the colonies; and both Frontenac and Duchesneau hastened to congratulate him, protest their devotion, and overwhelm him with mutual117 accusations. The intendant declares that, out of pure zeal118 for the king's service, he shall tell him every thing. "Disorder," he says, "reigns119 everywhere; universal confusion prevails throughout every department of business; the pleasure of the king, the orders of the Supreme Council, and my ordinances remain unexecuted; justice is openly violated, and trade is destroyed; violence, upheld by authority, decides every thing; 62 and nothing consoles the people, who groan120 without daring to complain, but the hope, Monseigneur, that you will have the goodness to condescend121 to be moved by their misfortunes. No position could be more distressing122 than mine, since, if I conceal123 the truth from you, I fail in the obedience93 I owe the king, and in the fidelity124 that I vowed125 so long since to Monseigneur, your father, and which I swear anew at your hands; and if I obey, as I must, his Majesty's orders and yours, I cannot avoid giving offence, since I cannot render you an account of these disorders without informing you that M. de Frontenac's conduct is the sole cause of them." [24]
[24] Duchesneau au Ministre, 13 Nov., 1681.
Frontenac had written to Seignelay a few days before: "I have no doubt whatever that M. Duchesneau will, as usual, overwhelm me with fabrications and falsehoods, to cover his own ill conduct. I send proofs to justify126 myself, so strong and convincing that I do not see that they can leave any doubt; but, since I fear that their great number might fatigue127 you, I have thought it better to send them to my wife, with a full and exact journal of all that has passed here day by day, in order that she may extract and lay before you the principal portions.
"I send you in person merely the proofs of the conduct of M. Duchesneau, in barricading128 his house and arming all his servants, and in coming three weeks ago to insult me in my room. You will see thereby129 to what a pitch of temerity130 and 63 lawlessness he has transported himself, in order to compel me to use violence against him, with the hope of justifying131 what he has asserted about my pretended outbreaks of anger." [25]
[25] Frontenac au Ministre, 2 Nov., 1681.
The mutual charges of the two functionaries132 were much the same; and, so far at least as concerns trade, there can be little doubt that they were well founded on both sides. The strife of the rival factions grew more and more bitter: canes133 and sticks played an active part in it, and now and then we hear of drawn swords. One is reminded at times of the intestine135 feuds of some medi?val city, as, for example, in the following incident, which will explain the charge of Frontenac against the intendant of barricading his house and arming his servants:—
On the afternoon of the twentieth of March, a son of Duchesneau, sixteen years old, followed by a servant named Vautier, was strolling along the picket136 fence which bordered the descent from the Upper to the Lower Town of Quebec. The boy was amusing himself by singing a song, when Frontenac's partisan, Boisseau, with one of the guardsmen, approached, and, as young Duchesneau declares, called him foul137 names, and said that he would give him and his father a thrashing. The boy replied that he would have nothing to say to a fellow like him, and would beat him if he did not keep quiet; while the servant, Vautier, retorted Boisseau's abuse, and taunted138 him with low birth and disreputable employments. Boisseau made report to 64 Frontenac, and Frontenac complained to Duchesneau, who sent his son, with Vautier, to give the governor his version of the affair. The bishop, an ally of the intendant, thus relates what followed. On arriving with a party of friends at the chateau, young Duchesneau was shown into a room in which were the governor and his two secretaries, Barrois and Chasseur. He had no sooner entered than Frontenac seized him by the arm, shook him, struck him, called him abusive names, and tore the sleeve of his jacket. The secretaries interposed, and, failing to quiet the governor, opened the door and let the boy escape. Vautier, meanwhile, had remained in the guard-room, where Boisseau struck at him with his cane134; and one of the guardsmen went for a halberd to run him through the body. After this warm reception, young Duchesneau and his servant took refuge in the house of his father. Frontenac demanded their surrender. The intendant, fearing that he would take them by force, for which he is said to have made preparation, barricaded139 himself and armed his household. The bishop tried to mediate140, and after protracted141 negotiations142 young Duchesneau was given up, whereupon Frontenac locked him in a chamber of the chateau, and kept him there a month. [26]
[26] Mémoire de l'Evesque de Quebec, Mars, 1681 (printed in Revue Canadienne, 1873). The bishop is silent about the barricades143 of which Frontenac and his friends complain in several letters.
The story of Frontenac's violence to the boy is flatly denied by his friends, who charge Duchesneau 65 and his partisans144 with circulating libels against him, and who say, like Frontenac himself, that the intendant used every means to exasperate145 him, in order to make material for accusations. [27]
[27] See, among other instances, the Défense de M. de Frontenac par13 un de ses Amis, published by Abbé Verreau in the Revue Canadienne, 1873.
The disputes of the rival factions spread through all Canada. The most heinous146 offence in the eyes of the court with which each charged the other was the carrying of furs to the English settlements; thus defrauding147 the revenue, and, as the king believed, preparing the ruin of the colony. The intendant farther declared that the governor's party spread among the Indians the report of a pestilence148 at Montreal, in order to deter56 them from their yearly visit to the fair, and thus by means of coureurs de bois obtain all their beaver skins at a low price. The report, according to Duchesneau, had no other foundation than the fate of eighteen or twenty Indians, who had lately drunk themselves to death at La Chine. [28]
[28] Plumitif du Conseil Souverain, 1681.
Montreal, in the mean time, was the scene of a sort of by-play, in which the chief actor was the local governor, Perrot. He and Frontenac appear to have found it for their common interest to come to a mutual understanding; and this was perhaps easier on the part of the count, since his quarrel with Duchesneau gave sufficient employment to his natural pugnacity149. Perrot was now left to make a reasonable profit from the illicit trade which had once kindled the wrath of his superior; 66 and, the danger of Frontenac's anger being removed, he completely forgot the lessons of his imprisonment.
The intendant ordered Migeon, bailiff of Montreal, to arrest some of Perrot's coureurs de bois. Perrot at once arrested the bailiff, and sent a sergeant150 and two soldiers to occupy his house, with orders to annoy the family as much as possible. One of them, accordingly, walked to and fro all night in the bed-chamber of Migeon's wife. On another occasion, the bailiff invited two friends to supper: Le Moyne d'Iberville and one Bouthier, agent of a commercial house at Rochelle. The conversation turned on the trade carried on by Perrot. It was overheard and reported to him, upon which he suddenly appeared at the window, struck Bouthier over the head with his cane, then drew his sword, and chased him while he fled for his life. The seminary was near at hand, and the fugitive151 clambered over the wall. Dollier de Casson dressed him in the hat and cassock of a priest, and in this disguise he escaped. [29] Perrot's avidity sometimes carried him to singular extremities152. "He has been seen," says one of his accusers, "filling barrels of brandy with his own hands, and mixing it with water to sell to the Indians. He bartered153 with one of them his hat, sword, coat, ribbons, shoes, and stockings, and boasted that he had made thirty pistoles by the bargain, while the Indian walked about town equipped as governor." [30]
[29] Conduite du Sieur Perrot, Gouverneur de Montréal en la Nouvelle France, 1681; Plainte du Sieur Bouthier, 10 Oct., 1680; Procès-verbal des huissiers de Montréal.
[30] Conduite du Sieur Perrot. La Barre, Frontenac's successor, declares 67 that the charges against Perrot were false, including the attestations of Migeon and his friends; that Dollier de Casson had been imposed upon, and that various persons had been induced to sign unfounded statements without reading them. La Barre au Ministre, 4 Nov., 1683.
Every ship from Canada brought to the king fresh complaints of Duchesneau against Frontenac, and of Frontenac against Duchesneau; and the king replied with rebukes154, exhortations155, and threats to both. At first he had shown a disposition156 to extenuate157 and excuse the faults of Frontenac, but every year his letters grew sharper. In 1681 he wrote: "Again I urge you to banish44 from your mind the difficulties which you have yourself devised against the execution of my orders; to act with mildness and moderation towards all the colonists158, and divest159 yourself entirely of the personal animosities which have thus far been almost your sole motive160 of action. In conclusion, I exhort you once more to profit well by the directions which this letter contains; since, unless you succeed better herein than formerly161, I cannot help recalling you from the command which I have intrusted to you." [31]
[31] Le Roy à Frontenac, 30 Avril, 1681.
The dispute still went on. The autumn ships from Quebec brought back the usual complaints, and the long-suffering king at length made good his threat. Both Frontenac and Duchesneau received their recall, and they both deserved it. [32]
[32] La Barre says that Duchesneau was far more to blame than Frontenac. La Barre au Ministre, 1683. This testimony162 has weight, since Frontenac's friends were La Barre's enemies.
The last official act of the governor, recorded in the register of the council of Quebec, is the formal 68 declaration that his rank in that body is superior to that of the intendant. [33]
[33] Registre du Conseil-Supérieur, 16 Fév., 1682.
The key to nearly all these disputes lies in the relations between Frontenac and the Church. The fundamental quarrel was generally covered by superficial issues, and it was rarely that the governor fell out with anybody who was not in league with the bishop and the Jesuits. "Nearly all the disorders in New France," he writes, "spring from the ambition of the ecclesiastics, who want to join to their spiritual authority an absolute power over things temporal, and who persecute163 all who do not submit entirely to them." He says that the intendant and the councillors are completely under their control, and dare not decide any question against them; that they have spies everywhere, even in his house; that the bishop told him that he could excommunicate even a governor, if he chose; that the missionaries164 in Indian villages say that they are equals of Onontio, and tell their converts that all will go wrong till the priests have the government of Canada; that directly or indirectly they meddle165 in all civil affairs; that they trade even with the English of New York; that, what with Jesuits, Sulpitians, the bishop, and the seminary of Quebec, they hold two-thirds of the good lands of Canada; that, in view of the poverty of the country, their revenues are enormous; that, in short, their object is mastery, and that they use all means to compass it. [34] The recall of the governor was a triumph 69 to the ecclesiastics, offset166 but slightly by the recall of their instrument, the intendant, who had done his work, and whom they needed no longer.
[34] Frontenac, Mémoire adressé à Colbert, 1677. This remarkable167 paper will be found in the Découvertes et établissements des Fran?ais dans l'Amérique Septentrionale; Mémoires et Documents Originaux, edited by M. Margry. The paper is very long, and contains references to attestations and other proofs which accompanied it, especially in regard to the trade of the Jesuits.
Thus far, we have seen Frontenac on his worst side. We shall see him again under an aspect very different. Nor must it be supposed that the years which had passed since his government began, tempestuous as they appear on the record, were wholly given over to quarrelling. They had their periods of uneventful calm, when the wheels of administration ran as smoothly168 as could be expected in view of the condition of the colony. In one respect at least, Frontenac had shown a remarkable fitness for his office. Few white men have ever equalled or approached him in the art of dealing169 with Indians. There seems to have been a sympathetic relation between him and them. He conformed to their ways, borrowed their rhetoric170, flattered them on occasion with great address, and yet constantly maintained towards them an attitude of paternal superiority. When they were concerned, his native haughtiness171 always took a form which commanded respect without exciting anger. He would not address them as brothers, but only as children; and even the Iroquois, arrogant172 as they were, accepted the new relation. In their eyes Frontenac was by far the greatest of all the "Onontios," or governors of Canada. They admired 70 the prompt and fiery173 soldier who played with their children, and gave beads174 and trinkets to their wives; who read their secret thoughts and never feared them, but smiled on them when their hearts were true, or frowned and threatened them when they did amiss. The other tribes, allies of the French, were of the same mind; and their respect for their Great Father seems not to have been permanently175 impaired176 by his occasional practice of bullying177 them for purposes of extortion.
Frontenac appears to have had a liking178 not only for Indians, but also for that roving and lawless class of the Canadian population, the coureurs de bois, provided always that they were not in the service of his rivals. Indeed, as regards the Canadians generally, he refrained from the strictures with which succeeding governors and intendants freely interlarded their despatches. It was not his instinct to clash with the humbler classes, and he generally reserved his anger for those who could retort it.
He had the air of distinction natural to a man familiar all his life with the society of courts, and he was as gracious and winning on some occasions as he was unbearable179 on others. When in good humor, his ready wit and a certain sympathetic vivacity180 made him very agreeable. At times he was all sunshine, and his outrageous temper slumbered181 peacefully till some new offence wakened it again; nor is there much doubt that many of his worst outbreaks were the work of his enemies, who knew his foible, and studied to exasperate him. 71 He was full of contradictions; and, intolerant and implacable as he often was, there were intervals182, even in his bitterest quarrels, in which he displayed a surprising moderation and patience. By fits he could be magnanimous. A woman once brought him a petition in burlesque183 verse. Frontenac wrote a jocose184 answer. The woman, to ridicule185 him, contrived186 to have both petition and answer slipped among the papers of a suit pending187 before the council. Frontenac had her fined a few francs, and then caused the money to be given to her children. [35]
[35] Note by Abbé Verreau, in Journal de l'Instruction Publique (Canada), VIII. 127.
When he sailed for France, it was a day of rejoicing to more than half the merchants of Canada, and, excepting the Récollets, to all the priests; but he left behind him an impression, very general among the people, that, if danger threatened the colony, Count Frontenac was the man for the hour.
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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intervention
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| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
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rebuked
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| 责难或指责( rebuke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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accusations
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| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
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factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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feuds
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| n.长期不和，世仇( feud的名词复数 ) | |
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curb
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| n.场外证券市场，场外交易；vt.制止，抑制 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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docile
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| adj.驯服的，易控制的，容易教的 | |
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ordained
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| v.任命（某人）为牧师( ordain的过去式和过去分词 )；授予（某人）圣职；（上帝、法律等）命令；判定 | |
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par
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| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
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talon
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| n.爪；（如爪般的）手指；爪状物 | |
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peculiarities
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| n. 特质, 特性, 怪癖, 古怪 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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reins
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| 感情，激情； 缰( rein的名词复数 )； 控制手段； 掌管； （成人带着幼儿走路以防其走失时用的）保护带 | |
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vexed
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| adj.争论不休的；（指问题等）棘手的；争论不休的问题；烦恼的v.使烦恼( vex的过去式和过去分词 )；使苦恼；使生气；详细讨论 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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adversaries
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| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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ecclesiastics
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| n.神职者，教会，牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
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secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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obstinacy
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| n.顽固；（病痛等）难治 | |
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incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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friction
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| n.摩擦，摩擦力 | |
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deference
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| n.尊重，顺从；敬意 | |
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partisan
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| adj.党派性的；游击队的；n.游击队员；党徒 | |
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exhort
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| v.规劝，告诫 | |
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exhorted
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| v.劝告，劝说( exhort的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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pretension
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| n.要求；自命，自称；自负 | |
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obnoxious
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| adj.极恼人的，讨人厌的，可憎的 | |
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reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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intriguing
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| adj.有趣的；迷人的v.搞阴谋诡计(intrigue的现在分词)；激起…的好奇心 | |
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despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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precedent
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| n.先例，前例；惯例；adj.在前的，在先的 | |
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chafed
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| v.擦热（尤指皮肤）( chafe的过去式 )；擦痛；发怒；惹怒 | |
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embittered
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| v.使怨恨，激怒( embitter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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banish
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| vt.放逐，驱逐；消除，排除 | |
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banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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strenuous
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| adj.奋发的，使劲的；紧张的；热烈的，狂热的 | |
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marine
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| adj.海的；海生的；航海的；海事的；n.水兵 | |
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dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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ordinances
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| n.条例，法令( ordinance的名词复数 ) | |
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astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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deter
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| vt.阻止，使不敢，吓住 | |
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57
confided
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| v.吐露（秘密，心事等）( confide的过去式和过去分词 )；（向某人）吐露（隐私、秘密等） | |
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presidency
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| n.总统(校长，总经理)的职位(任期) | |
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sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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resentments
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| （因受虐待而）愤恨，不满，怨恨( resentment的名词复数 ) | |
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antipathies
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| 反感( antipathy的名词复数 )； 引起反感的事物； 憎恶的对象； （在本性、倾向等方面的）不相容 | |
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prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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registration
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| n.登记，注册，挂号 | |
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65
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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petitioner
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| n.请愿人 | |
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chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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chateau
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| n.城堡，别墅 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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tempestuous
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| adj.狂暴的 | |
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dispense
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| vt.分配，分发；配(药)，发(药)；实施 | |
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kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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slandered
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| 造谣中伤( slander的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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habitual
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| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
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wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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cabals
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| n.（政治）阴谋小集团，（尤指政治上的）阴谋( cabal的名词复数 ) | |
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intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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accurately
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| adv.准确地，精确地 | |
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imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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illicit
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| adj.非法的，禁止的，不正当的 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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allege
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| vt.宣称，申述，主张，断言 | |
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alluding
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| 提及，暗指( allude的现在分词 ) | |
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exhorting
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| v.劝告，劝说( exhort的现在分词 ) | |
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indirectly
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| adv.间接地，不直接了当地 | |
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abstain
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| v.自制，戒绝，弃权，避免 | |
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exhortation
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| n.劝告，规劝 | |
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berating
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| v.严厉责备，痛斥( berate的现在分词 ) | |
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naught
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| n.无，零 [=nought] | |
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disorders
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| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
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91
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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92
afflict
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| vt.使身体或精神受痛苦，折磨 | |
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93
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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94
shameful
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| adj.可耻的，不道德的 | |
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95
paternal
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| adj.父亲的，像父亲的，父系的，父方的 | |
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96
appease
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| v.安抚，缓和，平息，满足 | |
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97
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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98
plundered
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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99
beaver
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| n.海狸，河狸 | |
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100
reproof
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| n.斥责，责备 | |
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101
countenances
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| n.面容( countenance的名词复数 )；表情；镇静；道义支持 | |
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102
outrageous
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| adj.无理的，令人不能容忍的 | |
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103
guardian
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| n.监护人；守卫者，保护者 | |
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104
annoyances
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| n.恼怒( annoyance的名词复数 )；烦恼；打扰；使人烦恼的事 | |
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105
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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106
tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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107
equanimity
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| n.沉着，镇定 | |
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108
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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109
tumults
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| 吵闹( tumult的名词复数 )； 喧哗； 激动的吵闹声； 心烦意乱 | |
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110
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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111
outlaws
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| 歹徒，亡命之徒( outlaw的名词复数 )； 逃犯 | |
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112
isle
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| n.小岛，岛 | |
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113
provocations
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| n.挑衅( provocation的名词复数 )；激怒；刺激；愤怒的原因 | |
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114
enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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115
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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116
affronts
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| n.（当众）侮辱，（故意）冒犯( affront的名词复数 )v.勇敢地面对( affront的第三人称单数 )；相遇 | |
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117
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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118
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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119
reigns
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| n.君主的统治( reign的名词复数 )；君主统治时期；任期；当政期 | |
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120
groan
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| vi./n.呻吟，抱怨；(发出)呻吟般的声音 | |
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121
condescend
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| v.俯就，屈尊；堕落，丢丑 | |
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122
distressing
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| a.使人痛苦的 | |
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123
conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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124
fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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125
vowed
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| 起誓，发誓（vow的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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126
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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127
fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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128
barricading
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| 设路障于，以障碍物阻塞( barricade的现在分词 )； 设路障[防御工事]保卫或固守 | |
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129
thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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130
temerity
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| n.鲁莽，冒失 | |
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131
justifying
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| 证明…有理( justify的现在分词 )； 为…辩护； 对…作出解释； 为…辩解（或辩护） | |
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132
functionaries
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| n.公职人员，官员( functionary的名词复数 ) | |
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133
canes
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| n.（某些植物，如竹或甘蔗的）茎( cane的名词复数 )；（用于制作家具等的）竹竿；竹杖 | |
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134
cane
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| n.手杖，细长的茎，藤条；v.以杖击，以藤编制的 | |
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135
intestine
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| adj.内部的；国内的；n.肠 | |
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136
picket
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| n.纠察队；警戒哨；v.设置纠察线；布置警卫 | |
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137
foul
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| adj.污秽的；邪恶的；v.弄脏；妨害；犯规；n.犯规 | |
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138
taunted
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| 嘲讽( taunt的过去式和过去分词 )； 嘲弄； 辱骂； 奚落 | |
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139
barricaded
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| 设路障于，以障碍物阻塞( barricade的过去式和过去分词 )； 设路障[防御工事]保卫或固守 | |
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140
mediate
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| vi.调解，斡旋；vt.经调解解决；经斡旋促成 | |
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141
protracted
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| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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142
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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143
barricades
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| 路障，障碍物( barricade的名词复数 ) | |
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144
partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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145
exasperate
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| v.激怒，使（疾病）加剧，使恶化 | |
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146
heinous
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| adj.可憎的，十恶不赦的 | |
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147
defrauding
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| v.诈取，骗取( defraud的现在分词 ) | |
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148
pestilence
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| n.瘟疫 | |
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149
pugnacity
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| n.好斗，好战 | |
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150
sergeant
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| n.警官，中士 | |
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151
fugitive
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| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
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152
extremities
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| n.端点( extremity的名词复数 )；尽头；手和足；极窘迫的境地 | |
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153
bartered
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| v.作物物交换，以货换货( barter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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154
rebukes
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| 责难或指责( rebuke的第三人称单数 ) | |
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155
exhortations
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| n.敦促( exhortation的名词复数 )；极力推荐；（正式的）演讲；（宗教仪式中的）劝诫 | |
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156
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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157
extenuate
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| v.减轻，使人原谅 | |
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158
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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159
divest
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| v.脱去，剥除 | |
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160
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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161
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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162
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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163
persecute
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| vt.迫害，虐待；纠缠，骚扰 | |
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164
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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165
meddle
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| v.干预，干涉，插手 | |
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166
offset
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| n.分支，补偿；v.抵消，补偿 | |
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167
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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168
smoothly
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| adv.平滑地，顺利地，流利地，流畅地 | |
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169
dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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170
rhetoric
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| n.修辞学，浮夸之言语 | |
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171
haughtiness
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| n.傲慢；傲气 | |
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172
arrogant
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的 | |
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173
fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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174
beads
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| n.（空心）小珠子( bead的名词复数 )；水珠；珠子项链 | |
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175
permanently
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| adv.永恒地，永久地，固定不变地 | |
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176
impaired
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| adj.受损的；出毛病的；有（身体或智力）缺陷的v.损害，削弱( impair的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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177
bullying
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| v.恐吓，威逼( bully的现在分词 )；豪；跋扈 | |
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178
liking
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| n.爱好；嗜好；喜欢 | |
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179
unbearable
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| adj.不能容忍的；忍受不住的 | |
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180
vivacity
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| n.快活，活泼，精神充沛 | |
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181
slumbered
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| 微睡，睡眠（slumber的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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182
intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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183
burlesque
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| v.嘲弄，戏仿；n.嘲弄，取笑，滑稽模仿 | |
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184
jocose
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| adj.开玩笑的，滑稽的 | |
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185
ridicule
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| v.讥讽，挖苦；n.嘲弄 | |
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186
contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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187
pending
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| prep.直到，等待…期间；adj.待定的；迫近的 | |
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