LeFebvre de la Barre.
His Arrival at Quebec ? The Great Fire ? A Coming Storm ? Iroquois Policy ? The Danger imminent1 ? Indian Allies of France ? Frontenac and the Iroquois ? Boasts of La Barre ? His Past Life ? His Speculations2 ? He takes Alarm ? His Dealings with the Iroquois ? His Illegal Trade ? His Colleague denounces him ? Fruits of his Schemes ? His Anger and his Fears.
When the new governor, La Barre, and the new intendant, Meules, arrived at Quebec, a dismal3 greeting waited them. All the Lower Town was in ashes, except the house of the merchant Aubert de la Chesnaye, standing4 alone amid the wreck5. On a Tuesday, the fourth of August, at ten o'clock in the evening, the nuns6 of the H?tel-Dieu were roused from their early slumbers7 by shouts, outcries, and the ringing of bells; "and," writes one of them, "what was our terror to find it as light as noonday, the flames burned so fiercely and rose so high." Half an hour before, Chartier de Lotbinière, judge of the king's court, heard the first alarm, ran down the descent now called Mountain Street, and found every thing in confusion in the town below. The house of Etienne Planchon was in a blaze; the fire was spreading to those of his 73 neighbors, and had just leaped the narrow street to the storehouse of the Jesuits. The season was excessively dry; there were no means of throwing water except kettles and buckets, and the crowd was bewildered with excitement and fright. Men were ordered to tear off roofs and pull down houses; but the flames drove them from their work, and at four o'clock in the morning fifty-five buildings were burnt to the ground. They were all of wood, but many of them were storehouses filled with goods; and the property consumed was more in value than all that remained in Canada. [1]
[1] Chartier de Lotbinière, Procès-verbal sur l'Incendie de la Basse Ville; Meules au Ministre, 6 Oct., 1682; Juchereau, Histoire de l'H?tel-Dieu de Québec, 256.
Under these gloomy auspices8, Le Febvre de la Barre began his reign9. He was an old officer who had achieved notable exploits against the English in the West Indies, but who was now to be put to a test far more severe. He made his lodging10 in the chateau11; while his colleague, Meules, could hardly find a shelter. The buildings of the Upper Town were filled with those whom the fire had made roofless, and the intendant was obliged to content himself with a house in the neighboring woods. Here he was ill at ease, for he dreaded12 an Indian war and the scalping-knives of the Iroquois. [2]
[2] Meules au Ministre, 6 Oct., 1682.
So far as his own safety was concerned, his alarm was needless; but not so as regarded the colony with whose affairs he was charged. For those who had eyes to see it, a terror and a woe13 lowered in the future of Canada. In an evil 74 hour for her, the Iroquois had conquered their southern neighbors, the Andastes, who had long held their ground against them, and at one time threatened them with ruin. The hands of the confederates were now free; their arrogance14 was redoubled by victory, and, having long before destroyed all the adjacent tribes on the north and west, [3] they looked for fresh victims in the wilderness15 beyond. Their most easterly tribe, the Mohawks, had not forgotten the chastisement16 they had received from Tracy and Courcelle. They had learned to fear the French, and were cautious in offending them; but it was not so with the remoter Iroquois. Of these, the Senecas at the western end of the "Long House," as they called their fivefold league, were by far the most powerful, for they could muster17 as many warriors18 as all the four remaining tribes together; and they now sought to draw the confederacy into a series of wars, which, though not directed against the French, threatened soon to involve them. Their first movement westward19 was against the tribes of the Illinois. I have already described their bloody20 inroad in the summer of 1680. [4] They made the valley of the Illinois a desert, and returned with several hundred prisoners, of whom they burned those that were useless, and incorporated the young and strong into their own tribe.
[3] Jesuits in North America.
[4] Discovery of the Great West.
This movement of the western Iroquois had a double incentive21, their love of fighting and their 75 love of gain. It was a war of conquest and of trade. All the five tribes of the league had become dependent on the English and Dutch of Albany for guns, powder, lead, brandy, and many other things that they had learned to regard as necessities. Beaver22 skins alone could buy them, but to the Iroquois the supply of beaver skins was limited. The regions of the west and north-west, the upper Mississippi with its tributaries23, and, above all, the forests of the upper lakes, were occupied by tribes in the interest of the French, whose missionaries24 and explorers had been the first to visit them, and whose traders controlled their immense annual product of furs. La Salle, by his newly built fort of St. Louis, engrossed25 the trade of the Illinois and Miami tribes; while the Hurons and Ottawas, gathered about the old mission of Michillimackinac, acted as factors for the Sioux, the Winnebagoes, and many other remote hordes26. Every summer they brought down their accumulated beaver skins to the fair at Montreal; while French bush-rangers roving through the wilderness, with or without licenses27, collected many more. [5]
It was the purpose of the Iroquois to master all this traffic, conquer the tribes who had possession of it, and divert the entire supply of furs to themselves, and through themselves to the English and Dutch. That English and Dutch traders urged them on is affirmed by the French, and is very likely. The accomplishment29 of the scheme would 76 have ruined Canada. Moreover, the Illinois, the Hurons, the Ottawas, and all the other tribes threatened by the Iroquois, were the allies and "children" of the French, who in honor as in interest were bound to protect them. Hence, when the Seneca invasion of the Illinois became known, there was deep anxiety in the colony, except only among those in whom hatred30 of the monopolist La Salle had overborne every consideration of the public good. La Salle's new establishment of St. Louis was in the path of the invaders31; and, if he could be crushed, there was wherewith to console his enemies for all else that might ensue.
Bad as was the posture32 of affairs, it was made far worse by an incident that took place soon after the invasion of the Illinois. A Seneca chief engaged in it, who had left the main body of his countrymen, was captured by a party of Winnebagoes to serve as a hostage for some of their tribe whom the Senecas had lately seized. They carried him to Michillimackinac, where there chanced to be a number of Illinois, married to Indian women of that neighborhood. A quarrel ensued between them and the Seneca, whom they stabbed to death in a lodge33 of the Kiskakons, one of the tribes of the Ottawas. Here was a casus belli likely to precipitate34 a war fatal to all the tribes about Michillimackinac, and equally fatal to the trade of Canada. Frontenac set himself to conjure35 the rising storm, and sent a messenger to the Iroquois to invite them to a conference.
77 He found them unusually arrogant36. Instead of coming to him, they demanded that he should come to them, and many of the French wished him to comply; but Frontenac refused, on the ground that such a concession37 would add to their insolence38, and he declined to go farther than Montreal, or at the utmost Fort Frontenac, the usual place of meeting with them. Early in August he was at Montreal, expecting the arrival of the Ottawas and Hurons on their yearly descent from the lakes. They soon appeared, and he called them to a solemn council. Terror had seized them all. "Father, take pity on us," said the Ottawa orator39, "for we are like dead men." A Huron chief, named the Rat, declared that the world was turned upside down, and implored40 the protection of Onontio, "who is master of the whole earth." These tribes were far from harmony among themselves. Each was jealous of the other, and the Ottawas charged the Hurons with trying to make favor with the common enemy at their expense. Frontenac told them that they were all his children alike, and advised them to live together as brothers, and make treaties of alliance with all the tribes of the lakes. At the same time, he urged them to make full atonement for the death of the Seneca murdered in their country, and carefully to refrain from any new offence.
Soon after there was another arrival. La Forêt, the officer in command at Fort Frontenac, appeared, bringing with him a famous Iroquois chief called Decanisora or Tegannisorens, attended by a number 78 of warriors. They came to invite Frontenac to meet the deputies of the five tribes at Oswego, within their own limits. Frontenac's reply was characteristic. "It is for the father to tell the children where to hold council, not for the children to tell the father. Fort Frontenac is the proper place, and you should thank me for going so far every summer to meet you." The Iroquois had expressed pacific intentions towards the Hurons and Ottawas. For this Frontenac commended him, but added: "The Illinois also are children of Onontio, and hence brethren of the Iroquois. Therefore they, too, should be left in peace; for Onontio wishes that all his family should live together in union." He confirmed his words with a huge belt of wampum. Then, addressing the flattered deputy as a great chief, he desired him to use his influence in behalf of peace, and gave him a jacket and a silk cravat41, both trimmed with gold, a hat, a scarlet42 ribbon, and a gun, with beads43 for his wife, and red cloth for his daughter. The Iroquois went home delighted. [6]
[6] For the papers on this affair, see N. Y. Colonial Docs., IX.
Perhaps on this occasion Frontenac was too confident of his influence over the savage44 confederates. Such at least was the opinion of Lamberville, Jesuit missionary45 at Onondaga, the Iroquois capital. From what he daily saw around him, he thought the peril46 so imminent that concession on the part of the French was absolutely necessary, since not only the Illinois, but some of the tribes of the lakes, were in danger of speedy and complete destruction. 79 "Tegannisorens loves the French," he wrote to Frontenac, "but neither he nor any other of the upper Iroquois fear them in the least. They annihilate47 our allies, whom by adoption48 of prisoners they convert into Iroquois; and they do not hesitate to avow49 that after enriching themselves by our plunder50, and strengthening themselves by those who might have aided us, they will pounce51 all at once upon Canada, and overwhelm it in a single campaign." He adds that within the past two years they have reinforced themselves by more than nine hundred warriors, adopted into their tribes. [7]
[7] P. Jean de Lamberville à Frontenac, 20 Sept., 1682.
Such was the crisis when Frontenac left Canada at the moment when he was needed most, and Le Febvre de la Barre came to supplant52 him. The new governor introduces himself with a burst of rhodomontade. "The Iroquois," he writes to the king, "have twenty-six hundred warriors. I will attack them with twelve hundred men. They know me before seeing me, for they have been told by the English how roughly I handled them in the West Indies." This bold note closes rather tamely; for the governor adds, "I think that if the Iroquois believe that your Majesty53 would have the goodness to give me some help, they will make peace, and let our allies alone, which would save the trouble and expense of an arduous54 war." [8] He then begs hard for troops, and in fact there was great need of them, for there were none in Canada; 80 and even Frontenac had been compelled in the last year of his government to leave unpunished various acts of violence and plunder committed by the Iroquois. La Barre painted the situation in its blackest colors, declared that war was imminent, and wrote to the minister, "We shall lose half our trade and all our reputation, if we do not oppose these haughty55 conquerors56." [9]
[8] La Barre au Roy, (4 Oct.?) 1682.
[9] La Barre à Seignelay, 1682.
A vein57 of gasconade appears in most of his letters, not however accompanied with any conclusive58 evidence of a real wish to fight. His best fighting days were past, for he was sixty years old; nor had he always been a man of the sword. His early life was spent in the law; he had held a judicial59 post, and had been intendant of several French provinces. Even the military and naval60 employments, in which he afterwards acquitted61 himself with credit, were due to the part he took in forming a joint-stock company for colonizing62 Cayenne. [10] In fact, he was but half a soldier; and it was perhaps for this reason that he insisted on being called, not Monsieur le Gouverneur, but Monsieur le Général. He was equal to Frontenac neither in vigor63 nor in rank, but he far surpassed him in avidity. Soon after his arrival, he wrote to the minister that he should not follow the example of 81 his predecessors64 in making money out of his government by trade; and in consideration of these good intentions he asked for an addition to his pay. [11] He then immediately made alliances with certain merchants of Quebec for carrying on an extensive illicit66 trade, backed by all the power of his office. Now ensued a strange and miserable67 complication. Questions of war mingled68 with questions of personal gain. There was a commercial revolution in the colony. The merchants whom Frontenac excluded from his ring now had their turn. It was they who, jointly69 with the intendant and the ecclesiastics70, had procured71 the removal of the old governor; and it was they who gained the ear of the new one. Aubert de la Chesnaye, Jacques Le Ber, and the rest of their faction72, now basked73 in official favor; and La Salle, La Forêt, and the other friends of Frontenac, were cast out. There was one exception. Greysolon Du Lhut, leader of coureurs de bois, was too important to be thus set aside. He was now as usual in the wilderness of the north, the roving chief of a half savage crew, trading, exploring, fighting, and laboring74 with persistent75 hardihood to foil the rival English traders of Hudson's Bay. Inducements to gain his adhesion were probably held out to him by La Barre and his allies: be this as it may, it is certain that he acted in harmony with the faction of the new governor. With La Forêt it was widely different. He commanded Fort Frontenac, which belonged to La Salle, when La Barre's associates, 82 La Chesnaye and Le Ber, armed with an order from the governor, came up from Montreal, and seized upon the place with all that it contained. The pretext76 for this outrage77 was the false one that La Salle had not fulfilled the conditions under which the fort had been granted to him. La Forêt was told that he might retain his command, if he would join the faction of La Barre; but he refused, stood true to his chief, and soon after sailed for France.
[10] He was made governor of Cayenne, and went thither78 with Tracy in 1664. Two years later, he gained several victories over the English, and recaptured Cayenne, which they had taken in his absence. He wrote a book concerning this colony, called Description de la France équinoctiale. Another volume, called Journal du Voyage du Sieur de la Barre en la Terre Ferme et Isle79 de Cayenne, was printed at Paris in 1671.
[11] La Barre à Seignelay, 1682.
La Barre summoned the most able and experienced persons in the colony to discuss the state of affairs. Their conclusion was that the Iroquois would attack and destroy the Illinois, and, this accomplished80, turn upon the tribes of the lakes, conquer or destroy them also, and ruin the trade of Canada. [12] Dark as was the prospect81, La Barre and his fellow-speculators flattered themselves that the war could be averted82 for a year at least. The Iroquois owed their triumphs as much to their sagacity and craft as to their extraordinary boldness and ferocity. It had always been their policy to attack their enemies in detail, and while destroying one to cajole the rest. There seemed little doubt that they would leave the tribes of the lakes in peace till they had finished the ruin of the Illinois; so that if these, the allies of the colony, were abandoned to their fate, there would be time for a profitable trade in the direction of Michillimackinac.
[12] Conference on the State of Affairs with the Iroquois, Oct., 1682, in N. Y. Colonial Docs., IX. 194.
83 But hopes seemed vain and prognostics illusory, when, early in spring, a report came that the Seneca Iroquois were preparing to attack, in force, not only the Illinois, but the Hurons and Ottawas of the lakes. La Barre and his confederates were in dismay. They already had large quantities of goods at Michillimackinac, the point immediately threatened; and an officer was hastily despatched, with men and munitions83, to strengthen the defences of the place. [13] A small vessel84 was sent to France with letters begging for troops. "I will perish at their head," wrote La Barre to the king, "or destroy your enemies;" [14] and he assures the minister that the Senecas must be attacked or the country abandoned. [15] The intendant, Meules, shared something of his alarm, and informed the king that "the Iroquois are the only people on earth who do not know the grandeur85 of your Majesty." [16]
[13] La Barre au Ministre, 4 Nov., 1683.
[14] La Barre au Roy, 30 Mai, 1683.
[15] La Barre au Ministre, 30 Mai, 1683.
[16] Meules au Roy, 2 Juin, 1683.
While thus appealing to the king, La Barre sent Charles le Moyne as envoy86 to Onondaga. Through his influence, a deputation of forty-three Iroquois chiefs was sent to meet the governor at Montreal. Here a grand council was held in the newly built church. Presents were given the deputies to the value of more than two thousand crowns. Soothing87 speeches were made them; and they were urged not to attack the tribes of the lakes, nor to plunder French traders, without permission. [17] 84 They assented88; and La Barre then asked, timidly, why they made war on the Illinois. "Because they deserve to die," haughtily89 returned the Iroquois orator. La Barre dared not answer. They complained that La Salle had given guns, powder, and lead to the Illinois; or, in other words, that he had helped the allies of the colony to defend themselves. La Barre, who hated La Salle and his monopolies, assured them that he should be punished. [17] It is affirmed, on good authority, that he said more than this, and told them they were welcome to plunder and kill him. [18] The rapacious90 old man was playing with a two-edged sword.
[17] Soon after La Barre's arrival, La Chesnaye is said to have induced him to urge the Iroquois to plunder all traders who were not provided with passports from the governor. The Iroquois complied so promptly91, that they stopped and pillaged92, at Niagara, two canoes belonging to La Chesnaye himself, which had gone up the lakes in Frontenac's time, and therefore were without passports. Recueil de ce qui s'est passé en Canada au Sujet de la Guerre, etc., depuis l'année 1682. (Published by the Historical Society of Quebec.) This was not the only case in which the weapons of La Barre and his partisans93 recoiled94 against themselves.
[18] Belmont, Histoire du Canada (a contemporary chronicle).
[19] See Discovery of the Great West. La Barre denies the assertion, and says that he merely told the Iroquois that La Salle should be sent home.
Thus the Illinois, with the few Frenchmen who had tried to defend them, were left to perish; and, in return, a brief and doubtful respite95 was gained for the tribes of the lakes. La Barre and his confederates took heart again. Merchandise, in abundance, was sent to Michillimackinac, and thence to the remoter tribes of the north and west. The governor and his partner, La Chesnaye, sent up a fleet of thirty canoes; [20] and, a 85 little later, they are reported to have sent more than a hundred. This forest trade robbed the colonists96, by forestalling97 the annual market of Montreal; while a considerable part of the furs acquired by it were secretly sent to the English and Dutch of New York. Thus the heavy duties of the custom-house at Quebec were evaded98; and silver coin was received in payment, instead of questionable99 bills of exchange. [21] Frontenac had not been faithful to his trust; but, compared to his successor, he was a model of official virtue100.
[20] Mémoire adressé a MM. les Intéressés en la Société de la Ferme et Commerce du Canada, 1683.
[21] These statements are made in a memorial of the agents of the custom-house, in letters of Meules, and in several other quarters. La Barre is accused of sending furs to Albany under pretext of official communication with the governor of New York.
La Barre busied himself with ostentatious preparation for war; built vessels101 at Fort Frontenac, and sent up fleets of canoes, laden102 or partly laden with munitions. But his accusers say that the king's canoes were used to transport the governor's goods, and that the men sent to garrison103 Fort Frontenac were destined104, not to fight the Iroquois, but to sell them brandy. "Last year," writes the intendant, "Monsieur de la Barre had a vessel built, for which he made his Majesty pay heavily;" and he proceeds to say that it was built for trade, and was used for no other purpose. "If," he continues, "the two (king's) vessels now at Fort Frontenac had not been used for trading, they would have saved us half the expense we have been forced to incur105 in transporting munitions and supplies. The pretended necessity of having vessels at this fort, and the consequent employing 86 of carpenters, and sending up of iron, cordage, sails, and many other things, at his Majesty's charge, was simply in the view of carrying on trade." He says, farther, that in May last, the vessels, canoes, and men being nearly all absent on this errand, the fort was left in so defenceless a state that a party of Senecas, returning from their winter hunt, took from it a quantity of goods, and drank as much brandy as they wanted. "In short," he concludes, "it is plain that Monsieur de la Barre uses this fort only as a depot106 for the trade of Lake Ontario." [22]
[22] Meules à Seignelay, 8 July, 1684. This accords perfectly107 with statements made in several memorials of La Salle and his friends.
In the spring of 1683, La Barre had taken a step as rash as it was lawless and unjust. He sent the Chevalier de Baugis, lieutenant108 of his guard, with a considerable number of canoes and men, to seize La Salle's fort of St. Louis on the river Illinois; a measure which, while gratifying the passions and the greed of himself and his allies, would greatly increase he danger of rupture109 with the Iroquois. Late in the season, he despatched seven canoes and fourteen men, with goods to the value of fifteen or sixteen thousand livres, to trade with the tribes of the Mississippi. As he had sown, so he reaped. The seven canoes passed through the country of the Illinois. A large war party of Senecas and Cayugas invaded it in February. La Barre had told their chiefs that they were welcome to plunder the canoes of La Salle. The Iroquois were not discriminating110. They fell upon 87 the governor's canoes, seized all the goods, and captured the men. [23] Then they attacked Baugis at Fort St. Louis. The place, perched on a rock, was strong, and they were beaten off; but the act was one of open war.
[23] There appears no doubt that La Barre brought this upon himself. His successor, Denonville, writes that the Iroquois declared that, in plundering111 the canoes, they thought they were executing the orders they had received to plunder La Salle's people. Denonville, Mémoire adressé ou Ministre sur les Affaires de la Nouvelle France, 10 Ao?t, 1688. The Iroquois told Dongan, in 1684, "that they had not don any thing to the French but what Monsr. delaBarr Ordered them, which was that if they mett with any French hunting without his passe to take what they had from them." Dongan to Denonville, 9 Sept., 1687.
When La Barre heard the news, he was furious. [24] He trembled for the vast amount of goods which he and his fellow-speculators had sent to Michillimackinac and the lakes. There was but one resource: to call out the militia112, muster the Indian allies, advance to Lake Ontario, and dictate113 peace to the Senecas, at the head of an imposing114 force; or, failing in this, to attack and crush them. A small vessel lying at Quebec was despatched to France, with urgent appeals for immediate65 aid, though there was little hope that it could arrive in time. She bore a long letter, half piteous, half bombastic115, from La Barre to the king. He declared that extreme necessity and the despair of the people had forced him into war, and protested that he should always think it a privilege to lay down life for his Majesty. "I cannot refuse to your country of Canada, and your faithful subjects, to throw myself, with unequal forces, against 88 the foe116, while at the same time begging your aid for a poor, unhappy people on the point of falling victims to a nation of barbarians117." He says that the total number of men in Canada capable of bearing arms is about two thousand; that he received last year a hundred and fifty raw recruits; and that he wants, in addition, seven or eight hundred good soldiers. "Recall me," he concludes, "if you will not help me, for I cannot bear to see the country perish in my hands." At the same time, he declares his intention to attack the Senecas, with or without help, about the middle of August. [25]
Here we leave him, for a while, scared, excited, and blustering118.
[24] "Ce qui mit M. de la Barre en fureur." Belmont, Histoire du Canada.
[25] La Barre au Roy, 5 Juin, 1684.
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imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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speculations
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| n.投机买卖( speculation的名词复数 )；思考；投机活动；推断 | |
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dismal
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| adj.阴沉的，凄凉的，令人忧郁的，差劲的 | |
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standing
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wreck
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nuns
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slumbers
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auspices
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reign
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lodging
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chateau
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dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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woe
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arrogance
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wilderness
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chastisement
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muster
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| v.集合，收集，鼓起，激起；n.集合，检阅，集合人员，点名册 | |
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warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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westward
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bloody
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incentive
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beaver
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tributaries
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missionaries
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engrossed
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hordes
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licenses
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memoir
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| n.[pl.]回忆录，自传；记事录 | |
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accomplishment
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| n.完成，成就，（pl.）造诣，技能 | |
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30
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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posture
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| n.姿势，姿态，心态，态度；v.作出某种姿势 | |
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33
lodge
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| v.临时住宿，寄宿，寄存，容纳；n.传达室，小旅馆 | |
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34
precipitate
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| adj.突如其来的；vt.使突然发生；n.沉淀物 | |
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35
conjure
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| v.恳求，祈求；变魔术，变戏法 | |
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36
arrogant
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的 | |
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37
concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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38
insolence
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| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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39
orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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40
implored
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| 恳求或乞求（某人）( implore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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41
cravat
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| n.领巾，领结；v.使穿有领结的服装，使结领结 | |
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42
scarlet
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| n.深红色，绯红色，红衣；adj.绯红色的 | |
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43
beads
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| n.（空心）小珠子( bead的名词复数 )；水珠；珠子项链 | |
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44
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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45
missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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46
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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47
annihilate
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| v.使无效；毁灭；取消 | |
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48
adoption
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| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
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49
avow
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| v.承认，公开宣称 | |
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50
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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51
pounce
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| n.猛扑；v.猛扑，突然袭击，欣然同意 | |
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52
supplant
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| vt.排挤；取代 | |
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53
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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54
arduous
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| adj.艰苦的，费力的，陡峭的 | |
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55
haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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56
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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57
vein
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| n.血管，静脉；叶脉，纹理；情绪；vt.使成脉络 | |
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conclusive
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| adj.最后的，结论的；确凿的，消除怀疑的 | |
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59
judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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60
naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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61
acquitted
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| 宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 )； 使（自己）作出某种表现 | |
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62
colonizing
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| v.开拓殖民地，移民于殖民地( colonize的现在分词 ) | |
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63
vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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64
predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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65
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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66
illicit
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| adj.非法的，禁止的，不正当的 | |
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67
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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68
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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69
jointly
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| ad.联合地，共同地 | |
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70
ecclesiastics
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| n.神职者，教会，牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
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71
procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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72
faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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73
basked
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| v.晒太阳，取暖( bask的过去式和过去分词 )；对…感到乐趣；因他人的功绩而出名；仰仗…的余泽 | |
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74
laboring
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| n.劳动，操劳v.努力争取(for)( labor的现在分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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75
persistent
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| adj.坚持不懈的，执意的；持续的 | |
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76
pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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77
outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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78
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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79
isle
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| n.小岛，岛 | |
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80
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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81
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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82
averted
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| 防止，避免( avert的过去式和过去分词 )； 转移 | |
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83
munitions
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| n.军火，弹药；v.供应…军需品 | |
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84
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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85
grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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86
envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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87
soothing
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| adj.慰藉的；使人宽心的；镇静的 | |
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88
assented
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| 同意，赞成( assent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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89
haughtily
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| adv. 傲慢地, 高傲地 | |
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90
rapacious
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| adj.贪婪的，强夺的 | |
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91
promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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92
pillaged
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| v.抢劫，掠夺( pillage的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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93
partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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94
recoiled
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| v.畏缩( recoil的过去式和过去分词 )；退缩；报应；返回 | |
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95
respite
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| n.休息，中止，暂缓 | |
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96
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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97
forestalling
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| v.先发制人，预先阻止( forestall的现在分词 ) | |
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98
evaded
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| 逃避( evade的过去式和过去分词 )； 避开； 回避； 想不出 | |
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99
questionable
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| adj.可疑的，有问题的 | |
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100
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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101
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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102
laden
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| adj.装满了的；充满了的；负了重担的；苦恼的 | |
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103
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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104
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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105
incur
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| vt.招致，蒙受，遭遇 | |
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106
depot
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| n.仓库，储藏处；公共汽车站；火车站 | |
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107
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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108
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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109
rupture
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| n.破裂；(关系的)决裂；v.(使)破裂 | |
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110
discriminating
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| a.有辨别能力的 | |
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111
plundering
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的现在分词 ) | |
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112
militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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113
dictate
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| v.口授；(使)听写；指令，指示，命令 | |
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114
imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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115
bombastic
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| adj.夸夸其谈的，言过其实的 | |
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116
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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117
barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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118
blustering
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| adj.狂风大作的，狂暴的v.外强中干的威吓( bluster的现在分词 )；咆哮；（风）呼啸；狂吹 | |
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